structural change boosts business communications

Because large business customers are much larger and more geographically concentrated than large residential customers, business communications services tend to be more competitive than residential communications services.  Nonetheless, from 1980 to 2007, business lines rose from 25% to 37%  of public switched telephone lines of larger U.S. incumbent local-exchange telephone companies.[1]  Over that same period, the share of manufacturing employment in employment outside of agriculture, mining, and forestry (non-primary-sector employment) fell from 20% to 10%. Employment in various service industries increased.  Service industries purchase more communications services than traditional manufacturing industries.  This structural shift toward businesses that demand more communications services probably at least partly explains the increasing share of business lines in incumbents’ telephone service.

Aggregate demand for business telephone lines has been more robust than aggregate demand for residential telephone lines.  Incumbent providers’ line counts for both classes of lines grew through the end of the twentieth century, then declined.  But the growth was greater for business lines and the decline, less. Residential telephone lines per household was 0.94 in 1980 and 0.84 in 2007. Business telephone lines per non-primary employee, in contrast, was 0.27 in 1980 and 0.41 in 2007.

Residential telephone growth prior to 1980 came up against economic and political constraints. The share of households with telephone service grew from 33% in 1920 to 92% in 1979. Possibilities for growth through providing residential telephone service to household that didn’t have any service were thus mostly exhausted by 1979.  The number of telephones per telephone household grew from 1.1 in 1920 to 1.8 in 1979. The Carterfone decision in 1968 formally allowed competition in the provision of end-user telephone equipment.[2]  Then the AT&T Modified Final Judgment took Bell Telephone companies out of the telephone equipment manufacturing business.  Thus selling end-user equipment (telephones) became less attractive to telephone companies.

Business telephone growth prior to 1980 benefited from structural economic change. As early as 1902, many businesses that used telephone service had installed private branch exchanges.[3]  Yet in 1900, about a third of the workforce was engaged in agricultural pursuits. Business telephones per non-primary-sector worker rose from 0.14 in 1920 to 0.47 in 1979.  That increase occurred in conjunction with agricultural employment falling from 29% of the workforce to 4% of the workforce. The share of manufacturing employment was about the same, so the employment shift can be broadly understood as a shift from agricultural employment to service-sector employment.  Service-sector employment growth has been a constant for business telephone service growth across the twentieth century.

Data: U.S. telephone and economic structure statistics, 1920 to 2007 (Excel version).

[1]  See the all – summary worksheet in the data workbook.  These statistics are for local-exchange telephone companies providing service prior to 1996 (incumbent LECs ( ILECs)) meeting the FCC reporting requirements for ARMIS report 43-08. The relevant requirement is revenue greater than a revenue threshold that was $100 million in 1992 and $138 million in 2007.

[2] After the Carterfone decision, subsequent regulatory battles delayed the mass-market sale of non-telephone company telephones for a decade. Non-telephone company telephone sales amounted to about 1 million telephones in 1978, the first year of mass-market availability, and were expected to reach 2 million in 1979.  See Brock, Gerald W., The Telecommunications Industry: The Dynamics of Market Structure (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981) p. 249. Thus aggregate telephone-company telephones represented at least 99% of total installed telephones through 1979.

[3] In New York City about 1900, more operators were employed at private branch exchanges than in telephone company offices.  See Census Bureau, Telephones and Telegraphs, 1902, p. 49.

the spectators

One thousand, three hundred, and thirty years ago at Karbala in present-day Iraq, Iman Husayn ibn Ali, a grandson of the prophet of Islam, led a small, traveling group of 72 persons. This group included children, women, and elderly persons, as well as a small number of horsemen and infantrymen dedicated to Husayn. They confronted an enemy force of about 40,000 trained soldiers. Husayn offered his men the opportunity to desert him in the cover of night rather than face certain death. None of the men left Husayn.

Husayn and his men challenged the enemy to single combat, and each defeated many. The enemy, however, prevented Husayn and his group from getting water. Husayn’s comrade Abbas ibn Ali crossed through the enemy force and gathered some water. But he was killed as he struggled to bring the water back to Husayn’s group. In the mass combat that followed, Husayn and his men penetrated to the elite core of the enemy force and dispersed it. But the vastly greater enemy numbers eventually overcame Husayn and his warriors. Husayn was beheaded and dismembered. Some of the children in his band were killed, and women, taken captive.

Abbas Kiarostami’s Ta’ziyeh / The Spectators presented this story, the Mourning of Muharram, in a present-day Iranian village, in the Sackler Gallery, this weekend. A color video of the ritual dramatization was flanked by two larger screens showing monochrome videos of spectators. The spectators sat on cushions in front of the screens in a narrow room specially prepared in the Sackler. Husayn’s group was dressed in green, and the enemy, in red.  Husayn circled on a white stallion and sang plangently.  The women, who sat on the upper level of the theater, looked formal and elegant in their black hajibs.  The women’s hajibs were subtly individualized, and the women manipulated them expressively.  The men, who sat on the lower level of the theater, wore a motley, unattractive assortment of clothes, including Adidas sports jackets, poorly fitting shirts, and ugly sweaters.  In the dramatization of the slaughter of a child, fake blood drenched the child’s white cloak of captivity.  Even spectators who watched the middle, colored screen with detachment or ethnographic curiosity felt the deep, authentic sorrow of the monochrome spectators on the left and on the right.

The event provided a profound meditation on being a spectator and on the cinema effect.  Abbas Kiarostami’s latest film, Shirin (2008), shows the twelfth-century Persian love story of Sassanian king Khosrow and Armenian princess Shirin  through the faces of 112 Iranian actresses as they apparently watch a film of it. Human beings, male and female, are unique, wonderful, and mysterious media.

Abbas Kiarostami’s Ta’ziyeh / The Spectators (Iran, 2003, 80 minute video) was presented in five showings at the Sackler Gallery on January 24-25, 2010.  Kiarostami’s Shirin will be shown in the Freer Gallery’s Myer Auditorium on Friday, Jan. 29, and Sunday, Jan. 31.

making sense is biological coding of sensory ecology

Dale Purves’ Lab provides profound and accessible teaching on the function of biological sensory systems. The point of biological sensory systems is not to perceive accurately the real world, but to respond successfully in the circumstances in which the organism has evolved and lives.  Phylogenetic and ontogenetic experiences determine perception-action cycles, which are empirical sensory responses. The common knowledge necessary for inter-subjective communication comes from the one real world and the shared phylogenetic and ontogenetic experiences of organism in that one common world.

But don’t merely ponder my representation of Dale Purves’ research. Play around with his online demonstrations and see for yourself.

Additional note:  Purves appends to the bottom of his resources list a note and some additional references under the title “Opinions about this approach to vision.”  The note states in part:

It seems only fair to warn those interested in the merits of the general approach to vision outlined here that opinion has been divided about this work. In fact, the majority opinion, to judge from numerous anonymous and a number of signed reviews, has been quite negative. …  Of course, people should make up their own minds, but it would be misleading to present the material, ideas, and demonstrations here without calling attention to their controversial nature.

There can be no more convincing testimony to the greatness of a scientist’s work.

real goods in well-established social networking

Harajuku at the Textile Museum

Every Sunday afternoon, Japanese youths gather on Jingu Bridge in Tokyo to display their fashions, to express themselves through their attire, and to socialize with others doing the same. Shops in the area have opened to sell this street chic fashion known as Harajuku. The shops both take fashion merchandising leads from the gathered youths and sell to them and to the tourists who come to see them.

Harajuku and other forms of costume play (cosplay) are closely linked to music bands, manga, anime, movies, and other entertainment content. Harajuku has attracted dedicated followers around the world, including in Washington, DC.  Harajuku differs from dressing up in the well-understood, common social enterprise that counter-balances individual, competitive display.

Selling objects for personal expression in social circumstances oriented toward those objects is a propitious business plan for social networking sites.