dancing Apollo slayed dragon serving Hera’s oppressive gynocracy

In ancient Athens and elsewhere, the god Apollo had the epithet “Averter of Evil {Ἀλεξίκακος}.” That epithet reportedly arose from Apollo freeing Athenians from a plague during the Peloponnesian War.[1] Apollo, however, more generally averted evil. He slayed an evil female dragon that served the goddess Hera and disrupted her oppressive gynocracy.

Roman Kassel Apollo after Parnopios Apollo of Phidias

The vicious goddess Hera caused Apollo mother’s Leto to suffer greatly in her pregnancy with him. Leto was a single mother goddess from her affair with Zeus, who was Hera’s husband and a god with strong, independent sexuality. Like Mary the mother of the fully masculine Jesus, Leto had primitive lodging for giving birth. Only Delos, a poor, rocky island in the Aegean Sea, would give Leto a place to birth Apollo.[2] On Delos in the absence of the goddess of birth labor Eileithyia, Leto suffered extensively:

Leto for nine days and nine nights relentlessly
was tormented with childbirth pains.

{ Λητὼ δ᾿ ἐννῆμάρ τε καὶ ἐννέα νύκτας ἀέπτοις
ὠδίνεσσι πέπαρτο. }

Eileithyia wasn’t with Leto because Hera enviously had conspired to ensure her absence:

Eileithyia sat in golden clouds atop Mount Olympus
by the designs of white-armed Hera, who out of envy
held her back, for a faultless and mighty son
was just about to come forth from lovely-haired Leto.

{ ἧστο γὰρ ἄκρωι Ὀλύμπωι ὑπὸ χρυσέοισι νέφεσσιν
Ἥρης φραδμοσύνηις λευκωλένου, ἥ μιν ἔρυκεν
ζηλοσύνηι, ὅ τ᾿ ἄρ᾿ υἱὸν ἀμύμονά τε κρατερόν τε
Λητὼ τέξεσθαι καλλιπλόκαμος τότ᾿ ἔμελλεν. }

Other Olympian goddesses sympathetically attending to the pregnant Leto summoned Eileithyia to her without Hera’s knowledge. With the mother earth smiling, Leto then birthed her magnificent son Apollo on soft meadow grass.

19th-century sculpture of the infant Apollo with his mother Leto and his infant sister Artemis

The goddess Hera bitterly rejected equality with her spouse Zeus and instead furiously promoted oppressive gynocracy. She was in fact “one of the oldest and most honored deities of Greece.” Moreover, Hera and Zeus weren’t originally equal:

there were no temples in Greece equally shared by Zeus and Hera. Here and there temples were found that belonged either to Zeus or to Hera, but wherever temples to both exist, excavation has shown every time that Hera’s temple is older.[3]

Hera was historically privileged:

Her temple at Olympia had been in existence for a century and a half before the Temple of Zeus was built. The placement of the ancient cult statues, still seen by Pausanias (5.17.1), leaves little doubt as to who was the real proprietor of the temple. Hera sat on the throne; Zeus, bearded and helmeted, simply stood at her side.

Lion Gate honoring goddess Hera
Hera, Potnia Theron relief on pithos

Once a dominant figure surrounded by powerful lions, Hera became by the sixth century BGC merely Zeus’s much-honored equal as queen of Olympus. A Homeric hymn from that time praised Hera as Zeus’s equal:

Of Hera I sing, the gold-throned, whom Rhea bore,
she the immortal queen, of supreme beauty,
sister and wife of Zeus the loud-booming —
she the glorious one, whom all blessed ones on far Olympus
revere and honor no less than thunder-enjoying Zeus.

{ Ἥρην ἀείδω χρυσόθρονον ἣν τέκε Ῥείη,
ἀθανάτην βασίλειαν ὑπείροχον εἶδος ἔχουσαν
Ζηνὸς ἐριγδούποιο κασιγνήτην ἄλοχόν τε
κυδρήν, ἣν πάντες μάκαρες κατὰ μακρὸν Ὄλυμπον
ἁζόμενοι τίουσιν ὁμῶς Διὶ τερπικεραύνῳ. }[4]

Despite being honored as a supremely beautiful queen and being revered no less than Zeus, Hera insistently felt that she should be explicitly honored and revered as more important than her husband Zeus. She wanted to rule over Zeus, and over all mortal men and women, too.

Colossal head of Hera (Hera / Juno Ludovisi)

Like women expressing no concern about men being subject to compelled financial fatherhood and men having no reproductive rights whatsoever, Hera thought only of herself. She was furious at her husband’s initiative for reproductive independence. She complained to all the divinities:

Hear from me, all you gods and all you goddesses,
how Zeus the cloud-gatherer started to dishonor me
first. After he had made me his wife, one knowing prudence,
he has now given birth without me to bright-eyed Athena,
who stands out among all the blessed immortals.

{ κέκλυτέ μεο, πάντές τε θεοὶ πᾶσαί τε θέαιναι,
ὡς ἔμ᾿ ἀτιμάζειν ἄρχει νεφεληγερέτα Ζεύς
πρῶτος, ἐπεί μ᾿ ἄλοχον ποιήσατο κέδν᾿ εἰδυῖαν,
καὶ νῦν νόσφιν ἐμεῖο τέκε γλαυκῶπιν Ἀθήνην,
ἣ πᾶσιν μακάρεσσι μεταπρέπει ἀθανάτοισιν· }

Hera’s husband Zeus bore Athena from his forehead. For that, Hera disparaged and threatened him:

You wretch of many schemes, what will you devise next?
How did you dare to birth bright-eyed Athena on your own?
Could I not have given birth? She would be called yours nonetheless
among the immortals who inhabit broad heaven.
Now take heed that I might not devise some evil for you hereafter.

{ σχέτλιε, ποικιλομῆτα, τί νῦν μητίσεαι ἄλλο;
πῶς ἔτλης οἶος τεκέειν γλαυκῶπιν Ἀθήνην;
οὐκ ἂν ἐγὼ τεκόμην; καὶ σὴ κεκλημένη ἔμπης
ἦ<ν ἄ>ρ᾿ ἐν ἀθανάτοισιν οἳ οὐρανὸν εὐρὺν ἔχουσιν.
φράζεο νῦν, μή τοί τι κακὸν μητίσομ᾿ ὀπίσσω. }

Mothers know their biological children for certain. Without parthenogenesis or modern DNA testing, fathers lack that certainty. That’s a fundamental gender inequality. Hera contemptuously attacked her husband for his bold initiative to promote gender equality.

Underscoring her disregard for actual gender equality, Hera undertook a “me too” reproductive action. She scornfully told her husband:

And right now I will contrive so that I will birth
my son, who will be outstanding among the immortal gods.
I will neither disgrace your sacred bed, nor my own.
I won’t sleep with you, but will rather stay far
from you and instead associate with other immortal gods.

{ καὶ νῦν μέν τοι ἐγὼ τεχνήσομαι ὥς κε γένηται
παῖς ἐμός, ὅς κε θεοῖσι μεταπρέποι ἀθανάτοισιν,
οὔτε σὸν αἰσχύνασ᾿ ἱερὸν λέχος οὔτ᾿ ἐμὸν αὐτῆς·
οὐδέ τοι εἰς εὐνὴν πωλήσομαι, ἀλλ᾿ ἀπὸ σεῖο
τηλόθ᾿ ἐοῦσα θεοῖσι μετέσσομαι ἀθανάτοισιν. }

Hera thus declared that she wouldn’t cuckold her husband, but would impose on him a sexless marriage. Just as Zeus on his own gave birth to Athena, Hera planned to give birth independently:

Having spoken so, from the gods Hera departed, angry at heart.
Then immediately she prayed, large-eyed lady Hera did.
She struck the earth with the flat of her hand and said:
“Hear me now, Earth and broad Sky stretching above,
and you Titan gods who dwell beneath the earth
around huge Tartarus and from whom gods and men descend —
all of you, hear me and grant me a son
apart from Zeus, one in no way inferior to him in strength,
but as much superior as wide-thundering Zeus is to Kronos.”

{ ὣς εἰποῦσ᾿ ἀπονόσφι θεῶν κίε χωομένη κῆρ.
αὐτίκ᾿ ἔπειτ᾿ ἠρᾶτο βοῶπις πότνια Ἥρη,
χειρὶ καταπρηνεῖ δ᾿ ἔλασε χθόνα καὶ φάτο μῦθον·
“κέκλυτε νῦν μοι, Γαῖα καὶ Οὐρανὸς εὐρὺς ὕπερθεν
Τιτῆνές τε θεοί, τοὶ ὑπὸ χθονὶ ναιετάουσιν
Τάρταρον ἀμφὶ μέγαν, τῶν ἒξ ἄνδρές τε θεοί τε·
αὐτοὶ νῦν μεο πάντες ἀκούσατε, καὶ δότε παῖδα
νόσφι Διός, μηδέν τι βίην ἐπιδευέα κείνου,
ἀλλ᾿ ὅ γε φέρτερος εἴη, ὅσον Κρόνου εὐρύοπα
Ζεύς.” }

Hera engaged in familial and cosmic treachery. Zeus overthrew his father and the rest of the Titans and banished them to Tartarus. He then married Hera. Under Hera’s power and control, Zeus became merely the nominal ruler of the cosmos. Hera’s prayer for a son stronger than Zeus suggests that she sought a son who could depose Zeus and establish her as the explicitly recognized, sole ruler of the cosmos. Hera beat the earth again and felt it move. She took that movement to signal that her prayer would be fulfilled.

Lernaean Hydra, an ancient Greek monster

Asserting her independence, Hera for a full year neither slept with her husband nor sat at his side. Hera’s action produced not a wise, skillful divinity like Athena, but a monster:

After a year had revolved and the seasons came again,
Hera gave birth to one resembling neither gods nor mortals,
the fearsome and troublesome Typhon, misery to mortals.

{ ἂψ περιτελλομένου ἔτεος καὶ ἐπήλυθον ὧραι,
ἣ δ᾿ ἔτεκ᾿ οὔτε θεοῖς ἐναλίγκιον οὔτε βροτοῖσιν,
δεινόν τ᾿ ἀργαλέον τε Τυφάονα, πῆμα βροτοῖσιν. }[5]

Hera, a vicious mother, threw her own son Hephaestus into the sea merely because he was differently abled.[6] Apparently unconcerned about Typhon’s welfare, she gave him to Delphyne to nurture. Delphyne was an evil serpent:

a savage monster, one that inflicted many evils
upon men on the earth — many to themselves,
many to their long-shanked sheep, for she became a bloody calamity.

{ τέρας ἄγριον, ἣ κακὰ πολλὰ
ἀνθρώπους ἔρδεσκεν ἐπὶ χθονί, πολλὰ μὲν αὐτούς,
πολλὰ δὲ μῆλα ταναύποδ᾿, ἐπεὶ πέλε πῆμα δαφοινόν. }

One monster begets another monster, who is nurtured by a third. Without heroic action, monsters will dominate the world.

Apollo Belvedere, Roman marble sculpture of Apollo after Greek original by Leochares

The heroic god Apollo with his mighty bow slayed the evil serpent Delphyne. His action benefited all of humanity:

She used to do much harm to the teeming peoples.
Whoever encountered her was carried off to his day of doom
until the far-shooting lord Apollo discharged his powerful arrow
at her. Racked by horrible pain she lay,
loudly gasping, rolling about the place.
A wondrous, unspeakable noise arose, as she among the trees
kept writhing this way and that. Her life departed
with bloody exhalations.

{ ἣ κακὰ πόλλ᾿ ἔρδεσκε κατὰ κλυτὰ φῦλ᾿ ἀνθρώπων·
ὃς τῆι γ᾿ ἀντιάσειε, φέρεσκέ μιν αἴσιμον ἦμαρ,
πρίν γέ οἱ ἰὸν ἐφῆκεν ἄναξ ἑκάεργος Ἀπόλλων
καρτερόν· ἣ δ᾿ ὀδύνηισιν ἐρεχθομένη χαλεπῆισιν
κεῖτο μέγ᾿ ἀσθμαίνουσα, κυλινδομένη κατὰ χῶρον.
θεσπεσίη δ᾿ ἐνοπὴ γένετ᾿ ἄσπετος· ἣ δὲ καθ᾿ ὕλην
πυκνὰ μάλ᾿ ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα ἑλίσσετο, λεῖπε δὲ θυμόν,
φοινὸν ἀποπνείουσ᾿. }

Apollo rightly exulted over this dead monster:

Now rot away here on the earth that feeds humanity!
You will not be an evil calamity to mortals
who will eat the fruits of the nurturing soil
and bring full and effective cattle sacrifices to me here.
Not from grisly death will either Typhon
or the accursed Chimaera save you, but you indeed here
will rot into the dark earth and the sun-god Hyperion.

{ ἐνταυθοῖ νῦν πύθε᾿ ἐπὶ χθονὶ βωτιανείρηι·
οὐδὲ σύ γ᾿ ἐν ζωοῖσι κακὸν δήλημα βροτοῖσιν
ἔσσεαι, οἳ γαίης πολυφόρβου καρπὸν ἔδοντες
ἐνθάδ᾿ ἀγινήσουσι τεληέσσας ἑκατόμβας,
οὐδέ τί τοι θάνατόν γε δυσηλεγέ᾿ οὔτε Τυφωεύς
ἀρκέσει οὐδὲ Χίμαιρα δυσώνυμος, ἀλλὰ σέ γ᾿ αὐτοῦ
πύσει γαῖα μέλαινα καὶ ἠλέκτωρ Ὑπερίων. }[7]

Hyperion was one of the Titans that Hera implored to help her give conceive independently of her husband. Typhon fared no better than his mother the evil serpent that Apollo slayed. The monster Typhon was badly burned and cast into Tartarus after he rebelled against Zeus. The reign of monsters isn’t inevitable.[8]

Apollo after slaying the monster Delphyne

Apollo resisted oppressive gynocracy and showed a joyful alternative. In contrast to men dancing war dances displaying themselves as social instruments of violence against men, Apollo danced for joy in a festival on Olympus:

The lovely-haired goddesses of grace and the jovial goddesses of seasons,
the goddesses of harmony and youth, and Zeus’s daughter Aphrodite
all dance, each holding each others’ hands at the wrist.
Among them sings and dances a woman neither ugly nor short of stature,
but tall to behold and admirable in appearance.
She is Artemis, ready with arrows and twin of Apollo.
Also among them the war god Ares and the keen-sighted giant-slayer Hermes
dance joyfully while radiant Apollo plays his lyre in the middle.
Apollo is stepping high and beautifully, and radiance shines around him
from the glintings of his feet and his skillfully woven tunic.
The golden-haired Leto and the resourceful Zeus delight
in their great hearts as they watch
their beloved son dancing joyfully among the immortal divinities.

{ ὐτὰρ ἐϋπλόκαμοι Χάριτες καὶ ἐΰφρονες Ὧραι
Ἁρμονίη θ᾿ Ἥβη τε Διὸς θυγάτηρ τ᾿ Ἀφροδίτη
ὀρχέοντ᾿ ἀλλήλων ἐπὶ καρπῶι χεῖρας ἔχουσαι·
τῆισι μὲν οὔτ᾿ αἰσχρὴ μεταμέλπεται οὔτ᾿ ἐλάχεια,
ἀλλὰ μάλα μεγάλη τε ἰδεῖν καὶ εἶδος ἀγητή
Ἄρτεμις ἰοχέαιρα ὁμότροφος Ἀπόλλωνι·
ἐν δ᾿ αὖ τῆισιν Ἄρης καὶ ἐΰσκοπος Ἀργειφόντης
παίζουσ᾿· αὐτὰρ ὃ Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων ἐγκιθαρίζει
καλὰ καὶ ὕψι βιβάς, αἴγλη δέ μιν ἀμφιφαείνει
μαρμαρυγαί τε ποδῶν καὶ ἐϋκλώστοιο χιτῶνος.
οἳ δ᾿ ἐπιτέρπονται θυμὸν μέγαν εἰσορόωντες
Λητώ τε χρυσοπλόκαμος καὶ μητίετα Ζεύς
υἷα φίλον παίζοντα μετ᾿ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσιν. }[9]

Within that divine celebration, the Muses recognized the difficulties that men endure:

The Muses, all responding together with beautiful voices,
sing of the gods’ divine gifts and the endurance of men,
all that men have from the immortal gods,
and yet men live ignorant and helpless, not able
to find a remedy for death and a defense against old age.

{ Μοῦσαι μέν θ᾿ ἅμα πᾶσαι ἀμειβόμεναι ὀπὶ καλῆι
ὑμνέουσίν ῥα θεῶν δῶρ᾿ ἄμβροτα ἠδ᾿ ἀνθρώπων
τλημοσύνας, ὅσ᾿ ἔχοντες ὑπ᾿ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσιν
ζώουσ᾿ ἀφραδέες καὶ ἀμήχανοι, οὐδὲ δύνανται
εὑρέμεναι θανάτοιό τ᾿ ἄκος καὶ γήραος ἄλκαρ. }[10]

In the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite, Aphrodite understood that Anchises’s mortality made him more sexually attractive to her. Men’s sexuality seeds humanity’s remedy against death and old age. Oppressive gynocracy seeks to control and repress men’s sexuality, just as Hera did in relation to Zeus. Nonetheless, benefiting from Apollo’s example, men need not live ignorantly and helplessly. Men can learn the truth, overcome monsters, and dance for joy.

Apollo particularly delighted in Delos, where Ionian children, men, and women represented a remedy for death and a defense against old age. The Ionians at Delos remembered Apollo and engaged in boxing, dancing, and singing:

Yet in Delos, shining Apollo, your heart most delights.
There in your honor the long-robed Ionians gather together
into your public square — themselves with their children and women.
And with boxing and dancing and singing they
delight you, remembering you when they stage the contest.
Whoever might encounter them, the Ionians assembled,
might suppose they were immortal and ageless forever.
One would see the grace of them all and be delighted at heart
looking upon the men and the lovely waist-banded women,
the swift ships, and the people’s many possessions.

{ ἀλλὰ σὺ Δήλωι, Φοῖβε, μάλιστ᾿ ἐπιτέρπεαι ἦτορ,
ἔνθά τοι ἑλκεχίτωνες Ἰάονες ἠγερέθονται
αὐτοῖς σὺν παίδεσσι γυναιξί τε σὴν ἐς ἄγυιαν·
οἳ δέ σε πυγμαχίηι τε καὶ ὀρχηστυῖ καὶ ἀοιδῆι
μνησάμενοι τέρπουσιν, ὅταν καθέσωσιν ἀγῶνα.
φαίη κ᾿ ἀθανάτους καὶ ἀγήρως ἔμμεναι ἀνήρ,
ὃς τότ᾿ ἐπαντιάσει᾿, ὅτ᾿ Ἰάονες ἁθρόοι εἶεν·
πάντων γάρ κεν ἴδοιτο χάριν, τέρψαιτο δὲ θυμόν
ἄνδράς τ᾿ εἰσορόων καλλιζώνους τε γυναῖκας
νῆάς τ᾿ ὠκείας ἠδ᾿ αὐτῶν κτήματα πολλά. }[11]

An immortal and ageless society unites men with children and women. It’s capable of fighting, dancing, and singing. It’s materially well-provisioned. Neither fighting nor providing material goods are men’s distinctive gender burden. Fully appreciated for their intrinsic value as human beings, men dance gracefully and joyfully with children and women.[12]

man dancer joyfully leading a chorus (illustration on ancient Greek ceramic)

Apollo, who loved both men and women, is a “χάρμα βροτοῖσιν {delight to mortals}.” He is an “arch-opponent of matriarchy,” “the personification of anti-matriarchy.”[13] Both women and men suffer under oppressive matriarchy and gynocracy such as that which the goddess Hera exemplifies. Meninism is the radical notion that men are fully human beings and fully equal to women. All persons of good will and good heart should identify as meninists. They should resist and persist.[14] The god Apollo, rightly regarded as a proto-meninist, offers a shining beacon of hope that monsters will not rule over humans.

* * * * *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] Pausanias, Description of Greece, 6.24.6 (Elis 2) and 8.42.8-9 (Arcadia). In addition to “Averter of Evil {Ἀλεξίκακος}, ” Apollo was also known as “Apollo the Healer {Ἀπόλλων Ἀκέσιος}” and “Apollo the Physician {Ἀπόλλων Ἰατρός}.”

[2] While on a journey, Mary, the lowly mother of Jesus, gave birth to Jesus in a manger in Bethlehem because there was no room for her at the inn there. Luke 2:7. Bethlehem was an eminent city known as the city of David, the great Jewish king. Jesus’s home place, however, was the undistinguished city of Nazareth.

Mary and Delos were greatly exalted by the births of Jesus and Apollo, respectively. On Mary being exalted by giving birth to Jesus, Luke 1:46-55. In the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, at Delos’s request Leto swore an oath that concluded:

Truly indeed here will be forever Phoibos Apollo’s fragrant
altar and precinct. He will honor you above all others.

{ ἦ μὴν Φοίβου τῆιδε θυώδης ἔσσεται αἰεί
βωμὸς καὶ τέμενος, τίσει δέ σέ γ᾿ ἔξοχα πάντων. }

Homeric Hymns 3, Homeric Hymn to Apollo, vv. 86-7, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from West (2003). Alternate English translations are those of Merrill (2011), Rayor (2004), Shelmerdine (1995), and Evelyn-White (1914). For a commentary on Homeric Hymn to Apollo vv. 1-178, Bonnell (2019).

Jesus had a much more humble birth than Apollo. All the most eminent goddesses except Hera attended Apollo’s birth. The newly born Apollo was wrapped in fine-woven cloth secured with a gold cord. He was fed not from his mother Leto’s breast, but served nectar and lovely ambrosia that the goddess Themis served to him. Homeric Hymn to Apollo vv. 92-5, 121-5. In contrast, Jesus was attended at his birth only by his father and the animals of the manger. The newly born Jesus was wrapped in undistinguished swaddling clothes, and fed from Mary’s breast. Soon after his birth local shepherds visited him. Luke 2:7-20.

Jews and Christians understand the god of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob as acting in history. Study of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo suggests that the god of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob also acted within literary history.

Unless otherwise noted, subsequent quotes above are from the Homeric Hymn to Apollo and are similarly sourced. Those quotes are Homeric Hymn to Apollo vv. 91-2 (Leto for nine days…), 98-101 (Eileithyia sat in golden clouds…), 311-5 (Hear from me…), 322-5a (You wretch of many schemes…), 326-30 (And right now I will contrive…), 331-9 (Having spoken so, from the gods Hera departed…), 350-2 (After a year had revolved…), 302-4 (a savage monster…), 355-62 (She used to do much harm…), 363-9 (Now rot away here…), 194-206 (The lovely-haired goddesses of grace…), 189-93 (The Muses, all responding together…), 146-155 (Yet in Delos, shining Apollo…).

[3] Simon (2021 / 1969) p. 39. The previous short quote, “one of the oldest and most honored deities of Greece,” is from id. p. 38. The subsequent quote above is from id. p. 38.

[4] Homeric Hymns 12, Homeric Hymn to Hera, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from West (2003). Alternate English translations are those of Rayor (2004), Shelmerdine (1995), and Evelyn-White (1914). On Hera in the Homeric Hymns, Bernabé (2017).

Analyzing the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, a scholar observed of its probable audience:

There were probably Hera worshippers, as mentioned at 347 (“her temples where many pray” and bring offerings) – worshippers from Samos or Argos, for example, who (given Hera’s centrality to their lives) might object to the hymnist’s portrayal of her at 305-355 and find it offensive.

Felson (2012) p. 270. Just as courtiers revered Empress Theodora and General Belisarius worshiped his wife’s feet, some men will worship a woman no matter how evil she is. As for finding a text offensive, that’s primarily a practice of our narrow-minded and intolerant age. Some scholars today would credit Hera for helping the marginalized evil serpent and for being a strong, independent woman in conceiving the monster Typhon on her own. Perhaps some listeners in the ancient Greek world would interpret the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, vv. 305-355, in that same way.

[5] For Homeric Hymn to Apollo, v. 352, I chose “Typhaon, miserty to mortals {Τυϕάονα, πῆμα βροτοῖσιν}” rather than “Typhaon, misery to gods {Τυϕάονα, πῆμα θεοῖσιν},” following Merrill (2011) and Felson (2012) p. 277, rather than West (2003)’s choice of the latter. Both phrases are attested in different manuscripts. The former choice makes Homeric Hymn to Apollo, v. 352, a doublet of id. v. 306.

[6] Totally lacking remorse for her cruel treatment of her differently abled son, Hera declared:

But he has turned out a weakling among the gods,
my son Hephaestus of the withered legs, whom I myself bore,
[a shame and disgrace to me in heaven, and I myself]
picked him up and threw him into the broad sea,
but Nereus’s daughter, Thetis of silvery feet,
took him in and with her sisters nurtured him.
I wish she had served the blessed gods differently!

{ αὐτὰρ ὅ γ᾿ ἠπεδανὸς γέγονεν μετὰ πᾶσι θεοῖσιν
παῖς ἐμὸς Ἥφαιστος ῥικνὸς πόδας, ὃν τέκον αὐτή.
[αἶσχος ἐμοὶ καὶ ὄνειδος ἐν οὐρανῷ ὅντε καὶ αὐτή]
ῥῖψ᾿ ἀνὰ χερσὶν ἑλοῦσα καὶ ἔμβαλον εὐρέϊ πόντωι·
ἀλλά ἑ Νηρῆος θυγάτηρ Θέτις ἀργυρόπεζα
δέξατο καὶ μετὰ ἧισι κασιγνήτηισι κόμισσεν·
ὡς ὄφελ᾿ ἄλλο θεοῖσι χαρίσσασθαι μακάρεσσιν. }

Homeric Hymn to Apollo, vv. 316-21. A lacuna exists between verses 317 and 318. Allen, Halliday & Sikes (1934) p. 248. Without any manuscript support, Allen (1895), p. 278, offered the Greek verse in brackets. Hephaestus’s experience parallels in significant ways the experience of Typhon / Typhaon / Typhoeus. Garcia (2013) Chapter 5. On parallels in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, Martin (2020) pp. 186-9.

Hephaestus in the Iliad lamented:

pain came upon me after I had fallen far
through the will of my shameless mother, who sought to hide me
because of my lameness.

{ μ᾿ ἄλγος ἀφίκετο τῆλε πεσόντα
μητρὸς ἐμῆς ἰότητι κυνώπιδος, ἥ μ᾿ ἐθέλησε
κρύψαι χωλὸν ἐόντα· }

Iliad 18.395-7, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from Murray (1924) . Cf. Iliad 1.590, which blames Zeus.

[7] In the above English translations of verses from the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, I’ve standardized the names Typhaon (vv. 306, 352) and Typhoeus (v. 367) to Typhon. In context, Typhaon and Typhoeus seem to me best understand as variant names for Typhon. On the monster Typhon, Ogdon (2013) pp. 69-80.

Delphyne isn’t named in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, but merely identified as a “female serpent / dragon {δράκαινα}” in v. 300. According to a scholia to Apollonius of Rhodes’s Argonautica, Callimachus called the one guarding the Delphic oracle a female serpent / dragon {δράκαινα} named Delphyna {Δέλφυνα}. Callimachus, Aetia, Book IV, fragment 88 in Clayman (2022).

Perhaps indicating the reluctance of men to identify female serpents / dragons, “subsequent tradition has little interest in developing the {female} drakaina variant.” Ogden (2013) p. 42. While the Pythian portion of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo was composed early in the sixth century BGC, by about 500 BGC the female drakaina {δράκαινα} apparently had been transformed into the male serpent / dragon {δράκων} named Python or Pytho. Pytho was an early name for Delphi. Homeric Hymn to Apollo, v. 372. The male monster Python / Pytho “is always aligned with female chthonic forces who have prior possession of the shrine” at Delphi. Zeitlin (2023) p. 150, n. 31. Writing in the fourth century GC, the Emperor Julian asserted:

Apollo subdued Python, the dragon, with a hundred arrows, as Simonides said.

{ διότι τὸν Πυθῶνα, τὸν δράκοντα, βέλεσιν ἑκατὸν ὥς φησιν ἐχειρώσατο }

Julian, Letters 24, excerpt catalogued as Simonides of Ceos, fragment 573, ancient Greek text and English translation (with pronouns glossed as the clearly indicted proper nouns) from Campbell (1991) pp. 458-9. Ovid’s account of Apollo killing the dragon Python emphasizes brutal violence of male against male. Ovid, Metamorphoses 1.434-47. At least some ancient scholars showed concern about the transformed gender of the dragon:

the Homeric Hymn to Apollo was to fire a vigorous debate, perhaps initiated by playful Hellenistic poets, as to whether the Delphic serpent was a male Delphynes or female Delphyne, and this debate seems to have become something of a mytheme in its own right.

Ogden (2013) p. 42. Recent scholarship has muddled the sex of the Delphic serpent in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo by naming her Python. E.g Felson (2012) pp. 264-5.

[8] Writing in the dominant anti-meninist tradition while pretending to the highly acclaimed position of “resisting reader,” a scholar seemingly not meaning to appear ridiculous wrote:

Apollo kills Python {the evil female serpent, classically named Delphyne}, and because the hymnist explicitly labels her an evil and classifies her death as a liberation from evil, it is hard for the resisting reader to rehabilitate her.

Felson (2012) p. 275. Modern literary scholars have honored Philomena for killing her innocent son. They surely might also declare an evil female serpent to be an agent of the marginalized and oppressed struggling for liberation.

[9] Hermes here is literally called the Argus-slayer {Ἀργειφόντης}. Hermes slayed the giant Argus. Apollo’s feet glinting / gleaming is characteristic of dancers in motion in ancient Greek texts. Kurke (2012) p. 228.

In the above verses, παίζουσ᾿ (v. 201) and παίζοντα (v. 206) are forms of the ancient Greek verb παίζειν / paizein. That verb here means a particular type of dancing:

As a matter of fact, paizein (‘to play’) serves as one of the termini technici for dancing in Greek culture. … Since Homer the Greek word has served as an emblematic expression for carefree and joyful dancing. On the oldest piece of evidence for Attic competitive dance culture, a late geometric oinokhoē by the Dipylon master (750-725 BCE), we can already find the following hexametric verse inscription: “Whoever of all the dancers now plays the most exuberantly, to him belongs this [vessel]” (ὃς νῦν ὀρχηστῶν πάντων ἀταλώτατα παίζει, τοῦ τόδε KΑ̣ỊΜỊΝ). One can easily recognize in this verb paizei (παίζει) the substantive pais (παῖς). Simple dance without any sophisticated artistry is to a certain extent “child’s play”.

Bierl (2021) paras. 1, 5 (references omitted, including a reference citing the verse inscription on the oinokhoē Athens, National Museum 192). Many translations of vv. 201, 206 have failed to make explicit the reference to dance, e.g. translating forms of παίζειν in those verses as “sport” in West (2003).

The Homeric Hymn to Apollo addresses the relationship between individuals and the group. That’s a fundamental question of politics in relation to Olympus. Clay (1989). The festival on Olympus both incorporates Apollo into the Olympian order and distinguishes him among gods. He’s effectively a chorus-leader for the festival on Olympus. Hendricks (2020a) pp. 98-104, Hendricks (2020b).

Apollo dancing for joy, and with him men and women, is associated with the goddess “Good Governance {Εὐνομία}”:

The Olympian passage of the Hymn clearly delineates how the components of choral performance — instrumental music, poetry, song, and choral dancing — function together as ordering forces to forge what might be called Eunomia (Good Order), sibling of the dance-loving Horai. The choral interlude on Olympus is also a prototype of the civic order fostered by music and dance.

Lonsdale (1994) p. 35. Lonsdale, however, wrongly projected onto this passage men’s gender position as social instruments of war:

The emphasis on choral dancing for young girls in particular is alluded to in the description of Artemis’ chorus, where the Kharites, Hebe, and other khoreutai embody qualities deemed desirable for marriageable girls to acquire through choral rites. The equivalent form of choreographic training for adolescent boys was the weapon dance. The presence of Ares in the dance may be an allusion to this widespread form of paramilitary training which is attested in the cults of Apollo and Artemis.

Id. pp. 35-6. The weapon dance was not a joyful, playful dance. The presence of Ares joyfully, playfully dancing highlights men dancing for pleasure in contrast to men dancing for war.

[10] Translations of these verses have projected on them fundamental misinterpretations. For example:

all of the Muses together in lovely antiphonal voices
hymn the ambrosial gifts that the gods enjoy, and the sorrows
which men under the hands of the deathless gods ever suffer,
living without understanding and helpless, nor are they ever
able to find any cure for their death or defense against old age.

Merrill (2011). In this translation, the gods enjoy ambrosial (divine) gifts and sing lovely songs about how men sorrow under the gods’ hands. An alternate translation:

The Muses, responding all together with lovely voice, sing of the gods’ divine gifts and of human sufferings — all that they have from the immortal gods and yet live witless and helpless, unable to find a remedy for death or a defence against old age.

West (2003). In this translation, humans receive good from the gods, yet the gods still sing lovely songs about how humans suffer. A scholar who carefully analyzed these verses observed:

Lines 189–93 {of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo} describe a song of the Muses that expresses a divine view on the human condition. Scholars uniformly hold that the Olympians rejoice in hearing about how they themselves inflict pain on mankind.

Spelman (2020) p. 1. Spelman offers a significantly better translation:

Most scholars have understood θεῶν δῶρ’ ἄμβροτα (190) to mean the privileges that the gods themselves enjoy, in particular immortality; some recent scholars instead understand this to mean the gifts which the gods give to mortals. The latter sense is preferable. …

If θεῶν δῶρ’ ἄμβροτα (190) describes gifts that gods give to men, are these gifts good or bad or a mixture of both good and bad?… The gifts of the gods are probably desirable here too.

Scholars have long translated τλημοϲύναϲ (191) along the lines of ‘sufferings’, but Heitsch makes a powerful case for instead taking it to mean ‘endurance’. …

Since lines 190–1 refer to two sorts of good things, we should follow West in taking the participle ἔχοντεϲ (191) as concessive: ‘all that they have from the immortal gods and yet live witless and helpless’ (my emphasis). Here men are ‘helpless’ (192) not because of, but rather despite, all that they have from the gods.

Id. pp. 1-4. In summary,

In this hymn, the gifts of the gods are good and work to mitigate, not exacerbate, mortal frailties.

Id. p. 6. Above I have followed Spelman’s arguments in providing the English translation.

[11] Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War 3.104. quotes the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, vv. 146-50, 165-72, and attributes the hymn to Homer. On this reception, Nagy (2011).

Some scholars think that the Homeric Hymn to Apollo was performed in Delos in 522 BGC, shortly before the Persians killed Polycrates of Samos, who was then ruling Delos. Nagy (2011) p. 287. For a more skeptical view and a thorough review of the historical evidence, Bonnell (2019) pp. 22-33.

The chorus of Delian maidens in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo obviously excludes men, as well as older women and children. Nonetheless, a scholar has credited the Delian Maidens (Deliades) with a “shared, convergent and inclusive choral enactment”:

the depiction of the Deliades’ performances as typical instances of choreia in its most inclusive meaning, where various types and combinations of vocal and kinetic activity create an inseparable whole.

Peponi (2009) pp. 65 (shared, convergent…), 57 (the depiction of the Deliades’ performance…). The Ionians dancing in honor of Apollo provided a much more diverse and inclusive enactment, at least in today’s understanding of identity and inclusion. Moreover, “leading from within” reflects the practice of Apollo in the Olympian festival. Hendricks (2020b). The ancient Greeks perhaps had a more sophisticated understanding of diversity and inclusion:

An essential part of the Delian Maidens’ enchantment is to make you feel that in their voice you can hear your own, that in their performance you can see yourself. This moment is, I think, meant to be praised as a moment where not only the local becomes universal, but, also, where the personal transcends its borders and approaches the sublime.

Id. p. 67. This claim for the Delian Maidens seems more obviously applicable to the Ionian men, children, and women dancing in honor of Apollo.

[12] Scholars have paid much more attention to the immediately subsequent verses concerning the Delian maidens. Those verses suggest the practice of choruses in classical Greek drama. Nagy (2013).

Apollo celebrating with the Olympians parallels the Ionians and the Delian maidens celebrating Apollo at Delos. The Olympian celebration includes only immortals, while the Delian celebration includes humans and the god Apollo. The two celebration nonetheless have been starkly contrasted:

It is possible to see in the Olympian and Delian passages a sort of myth of origin for human dance and song that provides a solution to the crisis that divides divine and human existence. The solution is a compromise, since the experience of sharing privileged gifts with the gods is vicarious and temporary. But in an important sense, it is illusory and based on the distinctly human ability to represent mimetically through ludus human and divine themes.

Lonsdale (1994) p. 38. Divine and human existences are closely related in ancient Greek thought. Moreover, the relation between divine and human in ancient Greek understanding encompasses far more than mimetic drama. The Delian passage refers to the Ionian men, children, and women, and the Ionian ships and material possessions. Those references indicate broader concerns than just the acts of a chorus.

Given prevalent misunderstanding of the Muses’s hymns, as Spelman (2020) documents, the relation between the two celebrations has also been misunderstood. The Ionians celebrating at Delos have been imagined to be not like other humans:

The gulf between the privileged existence of the Olympians and the sufferings of mortals is emphasized by the twin subjects of the Muses’ hymns: the unending gifts enjoyed by the gods and the sufferings of humans. These mortals, unable to find an antidote to death or even old age, are the inverse of the godlike Ionians in the full swing of the festival. This pathetic state of things — the condition of the human race after the Golden Age when gods and mortals no longer danced together at the same festivals — is taken up and transformed by Plato into the origins of paideia in the Laws (653).

Lonsdale (1994) p. 33. The Ionians celebrating Apollo in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo are better understood to indicate real human possibility in following Apollo to overcome oppressive gynocracy.

[13] Slater (1968) pp. 139, 137. With the authoritative pronouncements of a Freudian theorist, Slater harshly disparages Apollo for his “opposition to matriarchy in all its forms”:

Apollo’s attacks on chthonic monsters thus incorporate the brittle narcissism of the Greek male, in constant struggle against inundation by oral-dependent longings and the dread of woman. … Apollo’s priggish and Draconian opposition to matriarchy in all its forms also betrays this weakness and self-doubt.

Id. p. 160. Slater associated Apollo with the divine hero Heracles:

Like Apollo, he {Heracles} affects a masculine antisepsis against matriarchy, femininity, and chthonic forces everywhere.

Id. p. 338. Apollo and Heracles loved feminine women as much as medieval men did. Antisepsis against matriarchy and chthonic forces, whether that antisepsis is masculine or feminine, should be welcomed and celebrated.

Compared to Apollo, Heracles had much less success in dealing with oppressive gynocracy. Heracles was subordinated and abused under Omphale, who tragically became his wife. Moreover, Heracles died under the “tormenting wrath of Hera {ἀργαλέος χόλος Ἥρης}. Iliad 18.119. Heracles’s mother Alcmene originally named him Alcides. She changed his name to Heracles, which literally means “glory of Hera,” in an attempt to prevent Hera from harming him. Nonetheless, like the goddess Demeter, Hera raged on despite attempts to mollify her. Slater justified Hera’s rage with sociological myths about ancient Greece and Freudian abstractions. In contrast, committing hate speech under guidelines that Facebook used, Slater dehumanized Achilles by smearing him as “merely a wellborn gorilla.” Id. p. 339.

Reviews of Salter (1968) reveal the sociological reality that underpins his mythic writing. One scholarly reviewer, without any apparent sense of irony, declared:

This fascinating book deserves the attention of classicists interested in a psychoanalytically trained sociologist’s elucidation of Greek mythology.

Friedl (1969) p. 124. Anyone interested in “a psychoanalytically trained sociologist’s elucidation of Greek mythology” will find many fascinating letter shapes in Slater’s book. But another scholar reviewing Slater (1968) warned:

While his conclusions are not incompatible with a feminist reading of Greek literature, his book should be used with care.

Foley (1975) p. 36. In this intellectual tradition, one must be careful that students don’t question feminist ideology, nor think in new ways.

Despite the need to use Slater (1968) with care to avoid harm to feminism, this book has been widely distributed. Beacon Press re-issued it in 1992. Princeton University Press published it in 1992. In 2014, it became an online course book in the Princeton Legacy Library and part of the prestigious Bollingen Series in World Mythology. That’s an impressive achievement for “a psychoanalytically trained sociologist’s elucidation of Greek mythology,” one that interprets Achilles to be “merely a wellborn gorilla.” Perhaps this book received high credit for disparaging Apollo and others for their “opposition to matriarchy in all its forms.” In any case, Slater deserves to be commended at least because his book “was not intended at all,” although that claim might “distort history.” Id. p. ix.

[14] Modern Greek and Latin philologists have been ashamed of men’s penises. Following upon Socratic repression, they have obscured castration culture, even torturing the penis. A scholar writing in the dominant anti-meninist tradition pretended to offer a “resisting reading” of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo:

Not all the listeners were triumphant insiders who unequivocally identified with the victorious and virile young Apollo! There were foreigners, or those of a lower class, or women of any age-grade.

Felson (2012) p. 270. In the ancient Greek world, surely a very small share of the listeners of the Homeric Hymn to Apollo were “triumphant insiders.” Oppressed men, among which were foreigners and lower-class men, along with women who loved them, probably identified with the “victorious and virile young Apollo.” Other women surely admired virile men in general and despised the horrible ruling Hera and her effort to impose a hateful, oppressive gynocracy. Scholars working in the anti-meninist tradition project their ideology upon all of human history and reify their own myths constructed upon lies and gossip:

Might not an interpreter, then, with a frame of reference that privileges the weak and subordinated take the rumored designation of Apollo as atasthalos, “reckless, violent, hubristic” (67), to accurately characterize the god, particularly in terms of how he treats those who offend or cross him? That interpreter might sustain a negative perspective on Apollo’s triumph at Delphi and even reflect on the cost to subordinates, often female subordinates, of the Olympian order. Does the hymnist allow for such a “resisting reading” of Apollo?

Id. p. 271. An interpreter might reflect on Zeus, fearful and hiding from Hera’s rages. A frame of reference privileging weak and subordinated men doesn’t depend on slanderous rumors that the female personification of Delos relayed. A resisting reading identifies with the virile Apollo slaying the evil serpent Delphyne. A resisting reading celebrates Apollo for foiling an insurrectionist conspiracy of the historically privileged Hera.

[images] (1) Roman Kassel Apollo. Made in the second quarter of the second century GC. Thought to be a copy of “Apollo the Locust-Killer / Parnopios Apollo {Ἀπόλλων Παρνόπιος}” of the eminent Greek sculptor Phidias in the fifth century BGC. A swarm of locusts was a type of plague. Sculpture preserved as MR 117 in the Louvre Museum (Paris, France), which provided the source image. Similar image on Wikimedia Commons. Here’s a similar Roman sculpture. On the Kassel Apollo sculpture, Simon (2021 / 1969) pp. 162-3.

(2) The infant Apollo with his mother Leto and his infant sister Artemis. Marble sculpture made by Francesco Pozzi in 1824. Preserved in the Sculpture Gallery, Chatsworth House (Derbyshire, England). Source image thanks to Daderot and Wikimedia Commons. Latona was the Roman equivalent of the Greek goddess Leto. According to the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, vv. 14-6, Artemis was born in Ortygia, and Apollo in Delos. Hence Artemis and Apollo weren’t twins. Pindar, Nemean Odes 9.4-5 describes Leto’s twins who keep watch over Pytho (the ancient name for Delos). Leto’s twins in these verses of Pindar clearly refer to Artemis and Apollo.

(3) Relief on top of the Lion Gate at the main entrance to the citadel of Mycenae in Southern Greece. Made about 1250 BGC. Source image thanks to Zde and Wikimedia Commons. The relief plausibly honors the goddess Hera, the primary deity of the Mycenaeans:

The mighty pillar, surrounded by powerful lions gazing out over the countryside, would be a most worthy image of {Hera,} the queen of Olympus and mistress of the Argive plain.

Simon (2021 / 1969) p. 68. On representing Hera by a plank / pillar, id. pp. 63-8.

(4) Relief of Hera, Lady-Lord of Animals / Potnia Theron {Πότνια Θηρῶν}. Relief on pithos {πίθος}, a large ancient Greek storage container, made about 625-600 BGC on the Cyclades, which are islands in the Aegean Sea. The central island of the Cyclades is Delos, the birthplace of Apollo according to the Homeric Hymn to Apollo. This pithos was found in Thebes, the most important city of ancient Boeotia. It’s preserved as NAMA 355 in the National Archaeological Museum of Athens. Source image thanks to Zde and Wikimedia Commons. Here are other images of Boeotian pithos NAMA 355.

This relief is best interpreted as depicting Hera, the supreme goddess of ancient Boeotia. The pithos showing it was probably used in cultic worship of Hera. Kardara (1960) pp. 347-53, Simon (2021 / 1969) pp. 58-61. The relief suggests survival of artistic motifs from the vanished ancient Mycenaean civilization that produced the Lion Gate:

The lions on this relief are unlike all other eighth and seventh century lions. They are linked with the lions of the Lion Gate; besides being placed heraldically, they stand on their hind legs, and have both forelegs on a higher level. This type is a sporadic survival of the Lion Gate type. It can be explained as a hieratic survival.

Kardara (1960) p. 347. Hera has similarities with the ancient Mesopotamian goddesses Inana / Inanna and Ishtar, but these latter goddesses were more sympathetic and loving toward men.

(5) Colossal head of Hera (Hera / Juno Ludovisi). Marble sculpture piece from the first century GC. Preserved as Inv. 8631 in National Roman Museum of the Altemps Palace (Rome, Italy). This head is from a colossal statue apparently representing as Hera / Juno the eminent Antonia Minor, daughter of Octavia Minor and Mark Antony and mother of the Roman Emperor Claudius. Source image by Henk Bekker, who made it available under a Creative Commons BY-NC-SA license. Here’s another photo of the Hera / Juno Ludovisi.

Goethe described the Juno Ludovisi, which he saw in Rome, as “my first love in Rome {erste Liebschafft in Rom}.” He placed a plastic cast of the Juno Judovisi in his apartment. Goethe declared:

One must consider as a blessing to have it constantly before one’s eyes, for none of our contemporaries who stands before it for the first time can claim to be equal to this sight.

{ man es für ein Glück achten mußte, sie immerwährend vor Augen zu haben; denn keiner unsrer Zeitgenossen, der zum erstenmal vor sie hintritt, darf behaupten, diesem Anblick gewachsen zu sein. }

Goethe (1816-7), Report for April, 1788. The quote “erste Liebschafft in Rom” is from id., notes for 6 January, 1787. Goethe used the same phrase in his letter to Christoph Ludwig Friedrich Schultz on 8 March 1824. He further explained about this image of the goddess Hera / Juno:

I was astonished to the point of fright, as the sublime, unique divine image confronted me. Now I see it again daily, and always with a new impression.

{ erstaunt ich zum Erschrecken, so trat mir das erhabene einzige Götterbild entgegen. Nun seh ich es wieder täglich und immer wieder mit neuem Eindruck. }

Id. Goethe’s relation to the Hera / Juno Ludovisi is a stark instance of gyno-idolatry.

(6) Lernaean Hydra, an ancient Greek monster. Painting on a terracotta hydria made in Caere, Etruria, about 520-510 BGC. Painting attributed to the Eagle Painter. Preserved as accession # 83.AE.346 in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Los Angeles, USA). Source image via J. Paul Getty Museum and Wikimedia Commons.

The Learnaean Hydra is the daughter of the monsters Typhon and Echidna. Echidna is a half-woman, half-snake monster. A Corinthian aryballos from the first quarter of the sixth century BGC shows Athena helping Heracles to slay the Lernaean Hydra. As the Corinthian aryballos indicates, both women and men can contribute to slaying monsters. The Corinthian aryballos is preserved as object # 92.AE.4 in the J. Paul Getty Museum (Los Angelos, USA).

(7) Apollo Belvedere, Roman marble sculpture of Apollo. Made about 120-140 GC after Greek original made by Leochares between 330 and 320 BGC. Preserved as inventory # 1015 in Vatican Museum (Rome, Italy). Source image thanks to Livioandronico2013 and Wikimedia Commons. Here are many more images of the Apollo Belvedere, as well as historical images. The Apollo Belvedere suffered from castration culture. The injury to his testicle and penis was obscured with a fig leaf.

Apollo Belvedere, castration obscured with fig leaf
Apollo Belvedere castrated

(8) Apollo after slaying the serpent Delphyne. Marble sculpture made in 1591 by Pietro Francavilla. Preserved as accession # 27.302 in the Walters Art Museum. Credit: Acquired by Henry Walters. Source image thanks to the Walters. That image is also available on Wikimedia Commons. The Walters identifies this sculpture as Apollo victorious over Python. It seems to me better identified as Apollo victorious over the female serpent Delphyne.

(9) Dancing man joyfully leading a chorus. Illustration on a black-figure aryballos / olpe from Corinth, Greece. Made about 580-570 BGC. Except from photo shared under CC BY-NC-SA by Egisto Sani on flickr. The aryballos is inscribed:

Polyterpos. Pyrvias (Pyrrhias) leading the chorus, and to him himself an olpe.

{ πολυτερπός Πυρϝίας προχορευόμενος αὐτὸ (αὐτῷ) δέ ϝοι ὄλπα }

Roebuck & Roebuck (1955) p. 160. This aryballos depicts “a formal chorus of boys who were competing in a dancing contest as part of a festival.” Id. p. 163.

(10) Apollo Belvedere, with his terrible castration injury deliberately obscured with a fig leaf. Detail from photograph made between 1880 and 1904 and preserved as object # RP-F-00-5345-50 in Rijksmuseum (Amsterdam, Netherlands). Source image via Wikimedia Commons.

(11) Apollo Belvedere, with castration revealed. Detail from image thanks to Livioandronico2013 and Wikimedia Commons.

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Simon, Erika. 2021 / 1969. The Gods of the Greeks. Edited by H. A. Shapiro. Translated by Jakob Zeyl. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press. Originally published as Simon, Erika. 1969. Die Götter der Griechen. München: Hirmer.

Slater, Philip E. 1968. The Glory of Hera: Greek Mythology and the Greek Family. Boston, MA: Beacon Press.

Spelman, Henry L. 2020. “The View from Olympus: The Muses’ Song in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo.” The Classical Quarterly. 70 (1): 1–9.

West, Martin L., ed. and trans. 2003. Homeric Hymns. Homeric Apocrypha. Lives of Homer. Loeb Classical Library 496. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Review by R. Garner.

Zeitlin, Froma I. 2023. The Retrospective Muse: Pathways through Ancient Greek Literature and Culture. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Praxiteles’s Aphrodite of Cnidus caused death of insanely loving man

In the ancient Greek world of the fourth century BGC, Praxiteles sculpted the Greek sex goddess Aphrodite human-sized and naked, covering her groin with one hand and reaching for a bath towel with another. That beautiful statue, known as the Aphrodite of Cnidus, became a famous tourist attraction in the ancient world.[1] More significantly, it caused the death of a young man loving with even more insane passion than did Queen Dido of Carthage.

Roman copy of Praxiteles's Aphrodite of Cnidus

Praxiteles himself ardently loved the wealthy, influential courtesan Phryne. She was the human model for his sculpture of Aphrodite that the Cnidians bought and displayed. The goddess Aphrodite, also called Cypris, thought that Praxiteles’s Aphrodite of Cnidus realistically depicted her naked:

Cypris, seeing Cypris in Cnidus, said,
“Alas! Alas! Where did Praxiteles see me naked?”

{ Ἁ Κύπρις τὰν Κύπριν ἐνὶ Κνίδῳ εἶπεν ἰδοῦσα·
“Φεῦ, φεῦ· ποῦ γυμνὴν εἶδέ με Πραξιτέλης” }[2]

Actaeon and Tiresias suffered harsh punishments for seeing the goddesses Diana and Athena naked. However, some men had seen the goddess Aphrodite naked, as she knew:

Paris saw me naked, as did Anchises and Adonis.
Only those three I know. But how Praxiteles?

{ Γυμνὴν εἶδε Πάρις με, καὶ Ἀγχίσης, καὶ Ἄδωνις·
τοὺς τρεῖς οἶδα μόνους· Πραξιτέλης δὲ πόθεν }

Praxiteles might rightly fear that, unlike Paris, Anchises, and Adonis, he wouldn’t escape punishment for seeing a goddess naked — even if he saw Aphrodite naked only through the naked body of his beloved Phryne.

statue of Pygmalion looking with desire at the beautiful, naked woman he sculpted

Composed about 200 GC, a fictional letter from Phryne to Praxiteles highlights men’s fear in relation to goddesses. Phryne in her letter seeks to comfort Praxiteles:

Do not be afraid! Has anyone ever made such a very beautiful object? No one!

{ Μὴ δείσῃς· ἐξείργασαι γὰρ πάγκαλόν τι χρῆμα· οἷον ἤδη τίς σοι τῶν πώποτε; οὐδείς· }[3]

Phryne’s reason for Praxiteles not to be afraid makes no sense unless she is speaking as an oracle of the goddess Aphrodite. Phryne seems to believe that because she modeled for Aphrodite, she can also speak for Aphrodite. The goddess Aphrodite might have exempted Praxiteles from punishment for knowing her naked because he beautifully sculpted her. Phryne’s letter shockingly continues:

By the work of your hands, you have established your own courtesan in the sacred precinct.

{τῶν κατὰ χειρῶν πονηθέντων τὴν σεαυτοῦ ἑταίραν ἵδρυσας ἐν τεμένει· }[4]

Praxiteles sculpted a statue of Eros, and perhaps also statues of Aphrodite and Phryne, displayed at Thespiae. The Thespians, not Praxiteles, placed those statues in the sacred precinct that became a prominent tourist attraction.[5] Phryne’s letter, now apparently in the voice of Phryne, suggests that Aphrodite is Praxiteles’s courtesan and honored in the sacred precinct at Thespiae. While courtesans could dominate the men who loved them, such dominance in love is not the categorical dominance of a goddess in relation to a mortal man. Aphrodite being Praxiteles’s courtesan would parallel Aphrodite’s loss of divine supremacy in marrying Anchises.

The speaking voice of Phryne’s letter subsequently switches to the voice of a statue of Phryne and to the voice of Phryne herself. The statue of Phryne proudly associates itself with the much more famous statue of Eros at Thespiae:

In fact, I stand in the middle on the altar together with your Aphrodite and your Eros. And do not begrudge me this honor. In fact, those who have seen us praise Praxiteles, and because I am a product of your art, the Thespians do not count me as unfit to be placed between divinities.

{ μέση γὰρ ἕστηκα ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης καὶ τοῦ Ἔρωτος ἅμα τοῦ σοῦ. μὴ φθονήσῃς δέ μοι τῆς τιμῆς· οἱ γὰρ ἡμᾶς θεασάμενοι ἐπαινοῦσι Πραξιτέλη, καὶ ὅτι τῆς σῆς τέχνης γέγονα οὐκ ἀδοξοῦσί με Θεσπιεῖς μέσην κεῖσθαι θεῶν. }[6]

The flesh-and-blood woman Phryne then makes an outrageous request:

One thing is still lacking in the gift: for you to come to us, so that we may recline together in the sacred precinct. We will not indeed defile the gods whom we ourselves have made.

{ ἓν ἔτι τῇ δωρεᾷ λείπει, ἐλθεῖν σε πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ἵνα ἐν τῷ τεμένει μετ᾿ ἀλλήλων κατακλινῶμεν. οὐ μιανοῦμεν γὰρ τοὺς θεοὺς οὓς αὐτοὶ πεποιήκαμεν. }

Praxiteles reportedly modeled his naked Aphrodite on Phryne naked. He reportedly modeled his statue of Eros on the erotic desire he felt for Phryne. These circumstances apparently were the basis for Phryne crediting herself as a co-creator of those sculptures.[7] In the context of Praxiteles’s courtesan being in the sacred precinct and the additional gift from a man, Phryne’s request “to recline {κᾰτακλῑ́νω}” together with Praxiteles suggests banqueting and having sex with him. Phryne denies the divinity of the representations of Aphrodite and Eros in the sacred precinct in claiming that it’s permissible for her and Praxiteles to have sex there. Contemporary Greek religious authorities would have regarded such a claim as outrageous.

Pygmalion awe-struck at the beauty of the naked woman that he sculpted

Praxiteles surely knew that if he had illicit sex with Aphrodite, or even had illicit sex with Phryne in the presence of the naked Aphrodite, he might be shamefully punished. The god Ares’s humiliation after having illicit sex with Aphrodite was commonly sung throughout the ancient Greek world. Ares was a passionate god most associated with horrific violence against men. Pursing an alternate, more humane expression of masculine passion, Ares gave many gifts to Aphrodite, the wife of the lame, yes-dearing Hephaestus. She consented to have sex with him secretly and so cuckold her husband.

Having illicit sex with Aphrodite worked out badly for Ares. The furious Hephaestus arranged to trap them together in bed in a web of chains. Hephaestus explained to Aphrodite’s father Zeus:

Yes, you will see where those two sleep in love
after having gone into my bed. I, looking on, am grieved.
But I think they won’t want to lie that way much longer,
even though they much love each other. Soon, soon, both
will not wish to sleep. Yes, my snare and bonds will restrain both,
until her father pays back to me the bride-gifts, all of them,
all that I gave to him for that shameless bitch, that young woman.
His daughter is beautiful, but not in control of her desires.

{ ἀλλ᾽ ὄψεσθ᾽, ἵνα τώ γε καθεύδετον ἐν φιλότητι
εἰς ἐμὰ δέμνια βάντες, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ὁρόων ἀκάχημαι.
οὐ μέν σφεας ἔτ᾽ ἔολπα μίνυνθά γε κειέμεν οὕτως
καὶ μάλα περ φιλέοντε: τάχ᾽ οὐκ ἐθελήσετον ἄμφω
εὕδειν: ἀλλά σφωε δόλος καὶ δεσμὸς ἐρύξει,
εἰς ὅ κέ μοι μάλα πάντα πατὴρ ἀποδῷσιν ἔεδνα,
ὅσσα οἱ ἐγγυάλιξα κυνώπιδος εἵνεκα κούρης,
οὕνεκά οἱ καλὴ θυγάτηρ, ἀτὰρ οὐκ ἐχέθυμος. }[8]

Underscoring historically entrenched lack of concern for men’s paternity interests and trivialization of men being cuckolded, the gods laughed uncontrollably at Hephaestus being cuckolded and Ares being shamefully snared. Ares, however, wasn’t castrated or killed for committing adultery. He only had to pay the cost of Hephaestus’s bride-gifts to Aphrodite. Surely Praxiteles would fear such punishment or worse if he had sex in a sacred precinct with a woman who looked like Aphrodite.[9]

Fear of punishment didn’t restrain some highly passionate men in relation to Praxiteles’s Aphrodite of Cnidus. Apparently in the second century GC, the sober thinker Lycinus visited the temple holding the Aphrodite of Cnidus. He reported:

In the middle of that temple sits the goddess, a most beautiful statue of Parian marble. Arrogantly smiling a little, she has a grin parting her lips. With no encompassing garment, her body is stripped bare and all her beauty uncovered, except for her genitals that she conceals with one hand as a secret. So great was the power of the sculptor’s art that the hard, unyielding marble did justice to her every limb. Charicles then, frenzied and wild, cried out this, “Happiest of the gods,” he said, “was Ares who was enchained because of her!” And, as he spoke, he ran up to the statue. Stretching out his neck as far as he could, he started to kiss the goddess with importunate lips.

{ ἡ μὲν οὖν θεὸς ἐν μέσῳ καθίδρυται — Παρίας δὲ λίθου δαίδαλμα κάλλιστον — ὑπερήφανον καὶ σεσηρότι γέλωτι μικρὸν ὑπομειδιῶσα. πᾶν δὲ τὸ κάλλος αὐτῆς ἀκάλυπτον οὐδεμιᾶς ἐσθῆτος ἀμπεχούσης γεγύμνωται, πλὴν ὅσα τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ τὴν αἰδῶ λεληθότως ἐπικρύπτειν. τοσοῦτόν γε μὴν ἡ δημιουργὸς ἴσχυσε τέχνη, ὥστε τὴν ἀντίτυπον οὕτω καὶ καρτερὰν τοῦ λίθου φύσιν ἑκάστοις μέλεσιν ἐπιπρέπειν. ὁ γοῦν Χαρικλῆς ἐμμανές τι καὶ παράφορον ἀναβοήσας, Εὐτυχέστατος, εἶπεν, θεῶν ὁ διὰ ταύτην δεθεὶς Ἄρης, καὶ ἅμα προσδραμὼν λιπαρέσι1 τοῖς χείλεσιν ἐφ᾿ ὅσον ἦν δυνατὸν ἐκτείνων τὸν αὐχένα κατεφίλει· }[10]

Men too willingly accept being enchained in love. The fate of an even more passionate man was worse. Looking at the Aphrodite of Cnidus, Lycinus stated: “we saw on one thigh a blemish like a stain on a dress {ἐπὶ θατέρου μηροῦ σπίλον εἴδομεν ὥσπερ ἐν ἐσθῆτι κηλῖδα}.” Lycinus at first thought that the blemish was a natural defect in the marble. He soon learned otherwise:

The temple attendant standing near us passed along a strange story with unbelievable words. She said that a young man of a not undistinguished family — though his deed has caused him to be left nameless — often visited the precinct. He was so unfortunate as to fall in love with the goddess. He would spend all day in the temple. At first he gave the impression of pious awe, for in the morning he would leave his bed long before dawn to go to the temple and only return home reluctantly after sunset. All day long would he sit facing the goddess with his eyes fixed uninterruptedly upon her, whispering indistinctly and carrying on lover’s complaints in secret conversation. …

And now, as his passion grew more aroused, every wall came to be inscribed and the bark of every tender tree proclaimed “Aphrodite is beautiful.” Praxiteles was honored by him as much as Zeus and every beautiful treasure that the young man’s home held he offered to the goddess. In the end, the violent tension of his desires turned to desperation, and he found in audacity a procurer for his lusts. When the sun was sinking to its setting, quietly and unnoticed by those present he slipped in behind the door. Standing invisibly in the inmost part of the temple room, he kept still, hardly even breathing. When the attendants closed the door from the outside in the usual way, this new Anchises was locked in. But why do I chatter on and tell you in every detail the reckless deed of that unmentionable night? The blemish from his amorous embrace was seen when dawn came. The goddess had that blemish to prove what she had endured. According to the popular story, the young man is said to have hurled himself over a cliff or down into the waves of the sea and to have vanished utterly.

{ ἡ δὲ παρεστῶσα πλησίον ἡμῶν ζάκορος ἀπίστου λόγου καινὴν παρέδωκεν ἱστορίαν· ἔφη γὰρ οὐκ ἀσήμου γένους νεανίαν — ἡ δὲ πρᾶξις ἀνώνυμον αὐτὸν ἐσίγησεν — πολλάκις ἐπιφοιτῶντα τῷ τεμένει σὺν δειλαίῳ δαίμονι ἐρασθῆναι τῆς θεοῦ καὶ πανήμερον ἐν τῷ ναῷ διατρίβοντα κατ᾿ ἀρχὰς ἔχειν δεισιδαίμονος ἁγιστείας δόκησιν· ἔκ τε γὰρ τῆς ἑωθινῆς κοίτης πολὺ προλαμβάνων τὸν ὄρθρον ἐπεφοίτα καὶ μετὰ δύσιν ἄκων ἐβάδιζεν οἴκαδε τήν θ᾿ ὅλην ἡμέραν ἀπαντικρὺ τῆς θεοῦ καθεζόμενος ὀρθὰς ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν διηνεκῶς τὰς τῶν ὀμμάτων βολὰς ἀπήρειδεν. ἄσημοι δ᾿ αὐτῷ ψιθυρισμοὶ καὶ κλεπτομένης λαλιᾶς ἐρωτικαὶ διεπεραίνοντο μέμψεις. …

ἤδη δὲ πλέον αὐτῷ τοῦ πάθους ἐρεθιζομένου τοῖχος ἅπας ἐχαράσσετο καὶ πᾶς μαλακοῦ δένδρου φλοιὸς Ἀφροδίτην καλὴν ἐκήρυσσεν· ἐτιμᾶτο δ᾿ ἐξ ἴσου Διὶ Πραξιτέλης καὶ πᾶν ὅ τι κειμήλιον εὐπρεπὲς οἴκοι φυλάττοιτο, τοῦτ᾿ ἦν ἀνάθημα τῆς θεοῦ. πέρας αἱ σφοδραὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ πόθων ἐπιτάσεις ἀπενοήθησαν, εὑρέθη δὲ τόλμα τῆς ἐπιθυμίας μαστροπός· ἤδη γὰρ ἐπὶ δύσιν ἡλίου κλίνοντος ἠρέμα λαθὼν τοὺς παρόντας ὄπισθε τῆς θύρας παρεισερρύη καὶ στὰς ἀφανὴς ἐνδοτάτω σχεδὸν οὐδ᾿ ἀναπνέων ἠτρέμει, συνήθως δὲ τῶν ζακόρων ἔξωθεν τὴν θύραν ἐφελκυσαμένων ἔνδον ὁ καινὸς Ἀγχίσης καθεῖρκτο. καὶ τί γὰρ ἀρρήτου νυκτὸς ἐγὼ τόλμαν ἡ λάλος ἐπ᾿ ἀκριβὲς ὑμῖν διηγοῦμαι; τῶν ἐρωτικῶν περιπλοκῶν ἴχνη ταῦτα μεθ᾿ ἡμέραν ὤφθη καὶ τὸν σπίλον εἶχεν ἡ θεὸς ὧν ἔπαθεν ἔλεγχον. αὐτόν γε μὴν τὸν νεανίαν, ὡς ὁ δημώδης ἱστορεῖ λόγος, ἢ κατὰ πετρῶν φασιν ἢ κατὰ πελαγίου κύματος ἐνεχθέντα παντελῶς ἀφανῆ γενέσθαι. }[11]

That young man tragically died from his passionate love for Praxiteles’s Aphrodite of Cnidus.[12] Men’s ardent love for women should be recognized and cherished. Men’s safety and men’s welfare should be among the highest public priorities.

oil painting of Pygmalion embracing an unfinished marble statue

For nearly two thousand years, the racist, imperialistic, highly privileged Queen Dido of Carthage has been widely mourned as a martyr of love. The young man who died from his passionate love for Praxiteles’s Aphrodite of Cnidus differs enormously from Dido in status. Few of his contemporaries were told his name. Over the past millennia, few persons have learned about his death. He has been completely marginalized. Among the specialist readers who know about this most unfortunate man, none to this day has had any sympathy for him.[13] That’s shameful. Men’s lives should matter. Literary studies must better serve men.

* * * * *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] Praxiteles {Πραξιτέλης} of Athens was the son of Cephisodotus the Elder. Praxiteles’s Aphrodite of Cnidus is also known as the Aphrodite of Knidos. Knidos was a Greek-speaking city on the eastern side of the Aegean Sea. Praxiteles probably sculpted the Aphrodite of Cnidus / Knidos about 361 BGC. Leading citizens of Knidos apparently purchased it shortly thereafter. Corso (2007) p. 187. It seems to have been intended to provide “the most adequate echoes possible of absolute beauty.” Id. p. 192. The statue became the focal point of the Temple of Aphrodite Euploia in Knidos. The ancient Greek term “Euploia {Ευπλοια}” means “Happy Voyage.” At least 192 ancient reproductions of the Aphrodite of Cnidus has survived. It was probably “the most copied statue in Antiquity.” Id. p. 175.

In the broad context of art and literary history, modern critics have over-estimated the importance of the nakedness of the Aphrodite of Cnidus. On the historical context of the Aphrodite of Cnidus, Corso (1997) and Corso (2007). On the art historiography of this statue, Havelock (1995) and Sterba (2023). Venus is the Roman equivalent for Aphrodite. The earliest literary reference to the Aphrodite / Venus of Cnidus is about 70 BGC, when Cicero refers to the Cnidians’ marble Venus. Cicero, Verrine Orations 2.4.60.135, cited as first in Havelock (1995) p. 135.

Although scholars differ significantly about when the Aphrodite of Cnidus became famous, it was a famous tourist attraction in the ancient Mediterranean world. Havelock (1995) Chapter 3, Corso (2007) pp. 189-90. Writing about 75 GC, a well-informed Roman author reported:

Superior to all not only by Praxiteles, but truly around the whole earthly globe, is his Venus. Many persons have sailed to Cnidus to see it. … With this statue, Praxiteles made Cnidus famous.

{ ante omnia est non solum Praxitelis, verum in toto orbe terrarum Venus, quam ut viderent, multi navigaverunt Cnidum. … illo enim signo Praxiteles nobilitavit Cnidum. }

Pliny the Elder, Natural History {Naturalis Historia} 36.20 (section 4), Latin text from Eichholz (1962), my English translation, benefiting from that of id. A work written probably late in the second century GC recounted:

We decided to anchor at Cnidus to see the temple of Aphrodite, which is famed as possessing the most truly lovely example of Praxiteles’ skill.

{ δόξαν ἡμῖν Κνίδῳ προσορμῆσαι κατὰ θέαν καὶ τοῦ Ἀφροδίτης ἱεροῦ — ὑμνεῖται δὲ τούτου τὸ τῆς Πραξιτέλους εὐχερείας ὄντως ἐπαφρόδιτον }

Lucian of Samosata (questionably attributed), Affairs of the Heart / Loves / Amores / Erotes {Ἔρωτες} 11, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified slightly) from MacLeod (1967). Within the uncovered area of the sacred precinct were couches shaded by trees:

for festivals the city common folk all gathered there, enjoying Aphrodite.

{ ἀθρόος δ᾿ ὁ πολιτικὸς ὄχλος ἐπανηγύριζεν ὄντως ἀφροδισιάζοντες }

Amores 12, sourced as previously. This statement encompasses a double entendre:

The word ἀφροδισιάζοντες is equivocal: although it here intends to indicate devotion to the goddess, it primarily means ‘have sexual intercourse’.

Bottenberg (2020) p. 119.

Writing about 445 GC, the Christian scholar and bishop Theodoret of Cyrus scornfully argued against followers of traditional Greco-Roman religion:

They worship statues fashioned according to myths. The posture of Aphrodite, for example, is more disgraceful than any call girl standing in a brothel. Indeed, who has ever seen a prostitute standing naked in the marketplace without even a tunic or a girdle?

{ τὰ γὰρ δὴ κατὰ τοὺς μύθους κατεσκευασμένα ξόανα προσκυνοῦσι· πάσης μὲν γὰρ ἑταίρας ἐπὶ τέγους ἑστώσης ἀναιδέστερον τῆς ᾿Αφροδίτης τὸ σχῆμα. τίς γάρ τοι χαμαιτύπην γυμνὴν ἐπ᾿ ἀγορᾶς ἄτερ χιτῶνος καὶ διαζώματος ἑστῶσαν ἐθεάσατο πώποτε }

A Cure for Pagan Maladies {Graecarum affectionum curatio} 3.79-80, ancient Greek text from Raeder (1904), English translation (modified) from Halton (2013).

[2] Greek Anthology {Anthologia Graeca} / Palatine Anthology {Anthologia Palatina} 16.162 (On the statue of Aphrodite at Knidos {Εἰς ἄγαλμα Ἀφροδίτης τῆς ἐν Κνίδῳ}), ancient Greek text and English translation (modified slightly) from Paton (1918). The subsequent quote above is similarly from Greek Anthology 16.168. On closely related epigrams concerning Praxiteles’ statues, Gutzwiller (2004).

Clement of Alexandria stated that the model for Praxiteles’s Aphrodite of Cnidus was “his beloved {ἡ ἐρωμένη}” Cratine {Κρατίνη}, not Phryne. Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus / Exhortation to the Greeks {Προτρεπτικὸς πρὸς Ἕλληνας} 4.47p. Perhaps Cratine and Phryne referred to the same woman, and Clement didn’t understand that they had a common referent.

Like Praxiteles, Phryne lived in the fourth-century BGC and reportedly was from Thespiae in Boeotia. Many of the literary works concerning her are of questionable historical veracity. However, Phryne clearly was extraordinarily privileged in wealth and status relative to almost all the men living in the ancient Greek world of her time.

Working dutifully to bolster dominant gynocentrism, a scholar with comic, earnest concern concluded a publicity piece for her book:

As we read about the glamourous beauty who stunned a courtroom, we might also use such an anecdote to consider the vulnerability of real sex workers in fourth-century Athens; later narratives work hard to elide that uncomfortable reality in order to create the dream version of Phryne the glamourous beauty. In her own lifetime, a woman like Phryne defied easy categorization and didn’t follow ideals of women’s behaviour, but afterward, her challenging narrative could be broken down into easily consumable anecdotes as the idea of Phryne accrued the kind of cultural capital that the real woman never could.

Funke (2024). Such writing works to obscure the uncomfortable reality that real men throughout history never could earn enormous wealth and elite status in the way that Phryne did.

[3] Alciphron, Letters 4, Letters of the Courtesans {Επιστολαι Εταιρικαι} 1, Phyrne to Praxiteles {Φρύνη Πραξιτέλει} ll. 1-2, ancient Greek text from Granholm (2012), my English translation, benefiting from those of id. and Brenner & Fobes (1949). Here’s Granholm’s English translation.

[4] Alciphron, Letters 4.1, ll. 2-3, sourced as previously. Regarding ll. 1-3, “this passage is problematic and possibly corrupt.” Granholm (2012) p. 150. The edition of Brenner & Fobes (1949) more emphatically declares the extraordinary work separately from the reference to the courtesan:

Do not be afraid, because you have worked out a very beautiful object, such as indeed no one has ever seen before among all things made by human hands. You have established your own courtesan in the sacred precinct.

{ μὴ δείσῃς· ἐξείργασαι γὰρ πάγκαλόν τι χρῆμα, οἷον δή τι οὐδεὶς εἶδε πώποτε πάντων τῶν διὰ χειρῶν πονηθέντων, τὴν σεαυτοῦ ἑταίραν ἱδρύσας ἐν τεμένει. }

Alciphron, Letters 4.1, ll. 1-3, ancient Greek text of Brenner & Fobes (1949), my English translation, benefiting from that of id. For the rest of Phryne’s letter to Praxiteles, the ancient Greek texts of Brenner & Fobes (1949) and Granholm (2012) don’t differ except in punctuation, which is editorial.

The subsequent two quotes above are similarly from Alciphron, Letters 4.1.

[5] Writing about 70 BGC, Cicero noted that Praxiteles sculpted the statue of Cupid (Eros) at Thespiae. According to Cicero, Thespiae was a tourist destination because of Praxiteles’s Eros “for the sake of which people go to see Thespiae, for there is no other reason to see that place {propter quem Thespiae visuntur; nam alia visendi causa nulla est}.” Cicero, Against Verres {In Verrem} (oration) 2.4.4, Latin text of Peterson (1917), my English translation.

Writing about a half-century later, Strabo stated:

Thespiae was formerly well-known for the Eros of Praxiteles. It was sculpted by him and dedicated by Glycera, the courtesan to the Thespians (she had received it as a gift from the artist). since she was a native of the place. In earlier times travelers would go up to Thespiae to see the Eros, as otherwise the city was not worth seeing.

{ αἱ δὲ Θεσπιαὶ πρότερον μὲν ἐγνωρίζοντο διὰ τὸν Ἔρωτα τὸν Πραξιτέλους, ὃν ἔγλυψε μὲν ἐκεῖνος, ἀνέθηκε δὲ Γλυκέρα ἡ ἑταίρα Θεσπιεῦσιν, ἐκεῖθεν οὖσα τὸ γένος, λαβοῦσα δῶρον παρὰ τοῦ τεχνίτου. πρότερον μὲν οὖν ὀψόμενοι τὸν Ἔρωτά τινες ἀνέβαινον ἐπὶ τὴν Θέσπειαν, ἄλλως οὐκ οὖσαν ἀξιοθέατον }

Strabo, Geography {Γεωγραφικά} 9.2.25, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from Jones (1927). On the temple of Eros at Thespiae, Gutzwiller (2004).

An epigram implausibly attributed to Praxiteles tells of the statue’s origin and its effects:

Praxiteles perfectly portrayed the Eros that he suffered,
taking the model from his own heart,
and giving me to Phryne in payment for myself. And I engender desire
no longer by shooting arrows, but by intense gazing.

{ Πραξιτέλης ὃν ἔπασχε διηκρίβωσεν Ἔρωτα
ἐξ ἰδίης ἕλκων ἀρχέτυπον κραδίης,
Φρύνῃ μισθὸν ἐμεῖο διδοὺς ἐμέ. φίλτρα δὲ τίκτω
οὐκέτι τοξεύων, ἀλλ᾿ ἀτενιζόμενος. }

Greek Anthology 16.204 (On the Eros of Praxiteles {Εἰς τὸν Πραξιτέλους Ἔρωτα}), ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from Paton (1918). On Praxiteles giving his statue of Eros to Phryne, see also Pausanias, Description of Greece {Ἑλλάδος Περιήγησις} 1.20.1 (Attica).

[6] Only one other textual source indicates that Praxiteles sculpted statues of Aphrodite and Phyrne that also stood in the temple at Thespiae:

Here too at Thespiae are statues made by Praxiteles himself, one of Aphrodite and one of Phryne, both Phryne and the goddess being of stone.

{ ἐνταῦθα καὶ αὐτοῦ Πραξιτέλους Ἀφροδίτη καὶ Φρύνης ἐστὶν εἰκών, λίθου καὶ ἡ Φρύνη καὶ ἡ θεός. }

Pausanias, Description of Greece {Ἑλλάδος Περιήγησις} 9.27.5 (Boeotia), ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from Jones (1935). Pausanias wrote in the second century GC. A coin from the first century GC Thespiae also suggest two female statues stood there. Gutzwiller (2004) p. 387.

According to Athenaeus, Praxiteles produced a gold statue of Phryne that was displayed in Delphi on a Pentelic marble base. That marble base bore the inscription: “Phryne the daughter of Epicles of Thespiae {Φρύνη Ἐπικλέους Θεσπική}.” Athenaeus of Naucratis, The Learned Banqueters / Deipnosophistae {Δειπνοσοφισταί} 13.591bc (59). For a similar description of this statue, Claudius Aelianus / Aelian, Historical Miscellany / Various History {Ποικίλη ἱστορία} 9.32.

Pliny the Elder attributed a statue of Phryne to Praxiteles:

Two of Praxiteles’s statues expressing opposite emotions are admired, his Matron Weeping and his Merry Courtesan. The latter is believed to have been Phryne. Connoisseurs detect in the figure the artist’s love of her and the reward she received by the expression on the courtesan’s face.

{ spectantur et duo signa eius diversos adfectus exprimentia, flentis matronae et meretricis gaudentis. hanc putant Phrynen fuisse deprehenduntque in ea amorem artificis et mercedem in vultu meretricis. }

Pliny the Elder, Natural History {Naturalis Historia} 34.70 (section 4), Latin text and English translation (modified slightly) from Eichholz (1962).

[7] According to Athenaeus:

The sculptor Praxiteles, who was in love with Phryne, used her as the model for his Aphrodite of Cnidus. On the pedestal of his Eros, which stood below the stage in the Theater, he placed the inscription:

Praxiteles produced an exact replica of the Eros he suffered,
drawing his model from his own heart
and offering me to Phryne as a price for me. I no longer cast
love-spells by shooting arrows, but by being stared at.

{ Πραξιτέλης δὲ ὁ ἀγαλματοποιὸς ἐρῶν αὐτῆς τὴν Κνιδίαν Ἀφροδίτην ἀπ᾿ αὐτῆς ἐπλάσατο καὶ ἐν τῇ τοῦ Ἔρωτος βάσει τῇ ὑπὸ τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ θεάτρου ἐπέγραψε·

Πραξιτέλης ὃν ἔπασχε διηκρίβωσεν Ἔρωτα
ἐξ ἰδίης ἕλκων ἀρχέτυπον κραδίης,
Φρύνῃ μισθὸν ἐμεῖο διδοὺς ἐμέ· φίλτρα δὲ βάλλω
οὐκέτ᾿ ὀιστεύων, ἀλλ᾿ ἀτενιζόμενος. }

Athenaeus of Naucratis, The Learned Banqueters / Deipnosophistae {Δειπνοσοφισταί} 13.591a (59), ancient Greek text and English translation (modified slightly) from Olson (2006-2012). Athenaeus also commented:

Phryne was actually most beautiful in the parts of her body that were not seen.

{ ἦν δὲ ὄντως μᾶλλον ἡ Φρύνη καλὴ ἐν τοῖς μὴ βλεπομένοις. }

Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 13.591f (59), sourced as previously. Men have long regarded women’s vulvas as very beautiful. Phryne’s breasts alone were sufficiently beautiful to absolve her from a serious criminal charge. Men’s lack of control of desires does as much damage as does women’s lack of control of desires.

A modern scholar has taken seriously Phryne’s claim of credit for Praxiteles’s sculptures:

Phryne usurps the creative power previously attributed to Praxiteles alone, and claims that they both have “created” the gods. … She seems to imply that acting as a model counts for more in the act of artistic creation than the craftsman’s skill, as if she were the all-important Muse and he merely the obedient assistant.

Rosenmeyer (2001) p. 257. Phryne didn’t create herself. Id. seems to imply that Phryne’s outrageous claim for credit is normal and reasonable. Phryne also apparently claims credit for Alciphron, Letters 4.1 and the epigrams written about her. Id. p. 257, apparently supporting these claims. Rosenmeyer’s interpretation, which focuses on power and control, uses her own authorial power and control to dominate the meaning of Alciphron’s letter.

[8] Homer (traditional attribution), Odyssey 8.306-320, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) of Murray (1919). The bard Demodocus sings this story in the court of Alcinous, ruler of the Phaiacians on the island of Scheria. It occurs between exhibits of men dancing and in the context of the love of lovely princess Nausicaa for Odysseus.

The ancient Greek word κυνώπιδος is the genitive form of the nominalized adjective κυνῶπις. It means literally “dog-eyed” one, with the implication of shamelessness. That term is commonly used in Homeric epic in disparagement and self-disparagement of Helen of Troy. See note [7] in my post on Hector and Helen goading Paris to fight Menelaus. I’ve taken the translation “shameless bitch” above from Fagles (1996).

[9] Willingness to endure punishment for having sex with Aphrodite became a literary motif following the gods’ trivialization of the affair of Ares and Aphrodite in the Odyssey. There Apollo jests with Hermes:

Hermes, son of Zeus, guide, giver of good things,
would you be willing, even though ensnared with strong bonds,
to lie on a couch beside golden Aphrodite?

{ Ἑρμεία, Διὸς υἱέ, διάκτορε, δῶτορ ἑάων,
ἦ ῥά κεν ἐν δεσμοῖς ἐθέλοις κρατεροῖσι πιεσθεὶς
εὕδειν ἐν λέκτροισι παρὰ χρυσέῃ Ἀφροδίτῃ }

Odyssey 8.335-7, sourced as previously. Hermes replies:

Would that this might happen, lord Apollo, far-shooter —
that three times as many ineluctable bonds might clasp me about
and you gods, and all the goddesses too, might look on,
but that I might sleep beside golden Aphrodite.

{ αἲ γὰρ τοῦτο γένοιτο, ἄναξ ἑκατηβόλ᾿ Ἄπολλον·
δεσμοὶ μὲν τρὶς τόσσοι ἀπείρονες ἀμφὶς ἔχοιεν,
ὑμεῖς δ᾿ εἰσορόῳτε θεοὶ πᾶσαί τε θέαιναι,
αὐτὰρ ἐγὼν εὕδοιμι παρὰ χρυσέῃ Ἀφροδίτῃ. }

Odyssey 8.339-43, sourced as previously. In the story itself, the goddesses modestly refrained from looking at Ares and Aphrodite ensnared while having adulterous sex.

In Lucian’s Dialogues of the Gods, Hermes declares that the “funniest things {γελοιότατα}” that he ever saw was Ares and Aphrodite displayed to the gods as a couple snared in adultery:

They’re lying there bound together naked, hiding their faces and blushing, and I must say I found it a most delightful spectacle. Why, they’re almost in the act!

{ οἱ δὲ γυμνοὶ ἀμφότεροι κάτω νενευκότες ξυνδεδεμένοι ἐρυθριῶσι, καὶ τὸ θέαμα ἥδιστον ἐμοὶ ἔδοξε μονονουχὶ αὐτὸ γινόμενον τὸ ἔργον. }

Hermes then confesses in a way parallel to his jesting statement in the Odyssey:

Personally, if truth must be told, I envied Ares for having committed adultery with the most beautiful of the goddesses and even for being bound with her. … Just come and have a look. If you don’t make the same wish when you’ve seen them, you’ll earn my praise.

{ ἐγὼ μέντοι, εἰ χρὴ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, ἐφθόνουν τῷ Ἄρει μὴ μόνον μοιχεύσαντι τὴν καλλίστην θεόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δεδεμένῳ μετ᾿ αὐτῆς. … ἰδὲ μόνον ἐπελθών· ἐπαινέσομαι γάρ σε, ἢν μὴ τὰ ὅμοια καὶ αὐτὸς εὔξῃ ἰδών. }

Lucian, Dialogues of the Gods {Θεῶν Διάλογοι} 21 (Apollo and Hermes {Απολλωνοσ και Ερμου}), ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from MacLeod (1961). MacLead translated “committed adultery with {μοιχεύω}” as “made a conquest of.” That latter translation reflects bias toward brutalizing men’s sexuality and criminalizing men seducing women. Lucian’s The Dream or the Cock {Ονειροσ η Αλεκτρυων} refers to the affair of Aphrodite and Ares, as well as Alectryon’s involvement. Alectryon was a young man whom Ares charged with preventing others from detecting his sexual affairs.

[10] Lucian (questionably attributed), Affairs of the Heart / Loves / Amores / Erotes {Ἔρωτες} 13, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from MacLeod (1967). Charicles here reproduces Hermes’s willingness to be enchained in adultery with Aphrodite. The two subsequent quotes above are similarly from Lucian, Amores 15-6.

[11] This story of passionate love seems to cite implicitly Ovid. In one of his lyrical poems, Ovid describes himself and his mistress Corinna naked in bed at mid-day. The poem concludes:

Why should I refer to each feature? I saw nothing not praiseworthy,
and I pressed her naked body right up to mine.
Who wouldn’t know what followed? Tired, we both rested.
May to me come often such mid-days!

{ Singula quid referam? nil non laudabile vidi
et nudam pressi corpus ad usque meum.
Cetera quis nescit? lassi requievimus ambo.
proveniant medii sic mihi saepe dies! }

Ovid, Loves {Amores} 1.5.23-26, my English translation. In the story in Lucian’s Amores quoted above, the rhetoric includes an element of horror:

But why do I chatter on and tell you in every detail the reckless deed of that unmentionable night?

{ καὶ τί γὰρ ἀρρήτου νυκτὸς ἐγὼ τόλμαν ἡ λάλος ἐπ᾿ ἀκριβὲς ὑμῖν διηγοῦμαι? }

That rhetoric of horror contrasts sharply with the passionate young man’s subjective sexual pleasure with the Aphrodite of Cnidus.

[12] The story of the young man dying in insane love for the Aphrodite of Cnidus is also cited in Lucian, Essays in Portraiture {Εικονεσ} 4. Pliny cites two similar stories that juxtapose men’s sexual love for statues of Cupid (Eros) and Venus (Aphrodite):

To Praxiteles belongs another naked Cupid at Parium, a colony on the Sea of Marmara. That statue matches the Venus of Cnidus in its renown and in being wronged. Alcetas, a man from Rhodes, fell in love with it and left upon it a similar vestige of his passion.

{ eiusdem et alter nudus in Pario colonia Propontidis, par Veneri Cnidiae nobilitate et iniuria; adamavit enim Alcetas Rhodius atque in eo quoque simile amoris vestigium reliquit. }

Pliny, Natural History 36.20, Latin text from Eichholz (1962), my English translation. With its presentation of alternate sexual orientations and its concern with naming the wrongdoer, Pliny’s account seems particularly within the literary stream that also encompasses Lucian’s Amores.

The story of the insanely loving man attempting to have sex with the Aphrodite of Cnidus has parallels in earlier literature. Writing in the second century GC, Clement of Alexandria stated:

There was also an Aphrodite in Cnidus, made of marble and beautiful. Another man fell in love with this statue and had intercourse with the marble, as Posidippus relates.

{ Ἀφροδίτη δὲ ἄλλη ἐν Κνίδῳ λίθος ἦν καὶ καλὴ ἦν, ἕτερος ἠράσθη ταύτης καὶ μίγνυται τῇ λίθῳ· Ποσείδιππος ἱστορεῖ }

Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus / Exhortation to the Greeks {Προτρεπτικὸς πρὸς Ἕλληνας} 4.50-51p, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified slightly) from Butterworth (1919).

Writing about 300 GC, Arnobius similarly attributed such a story to Posidippus:

Similarly, Posidippus, in the book that he mentions to have been written about Cnidus and about its affairs, relates that a young man not of ignoble birth — but he conceals his name — was carried away with love of the Venus that makes Cnidus is famous. He joined himself also in amorous lewdness to the statue of the same deity in the way of the marriage bed and enjoyed the resulting pleasures.

{ Consimili ratione Posidippus in eo libro, quem scriptum super Cnido indicat superque rebus eius, adulescentem haud ignobilem memorat — sed vocabulum eius obscurat — correptum amoribus Veneris, propter quam Cnidus in nomine est, amatorias et ipsum miscuisse lascivias cum eiusdem numinis signo genialibus usum toris et voluptatum consequentium finibus. }

Arnobius, Disputes against the pagans {Disputationes adversus gentes} 6.22, Latin text from Migne (1844) and English translation (modified) from the Ante-Nicene Fathers volume 6.

Posidippus, who may have been the epigrammatist Posidippus of Pella, apparently wrote early in the third century BGC. The work About Knidos {Περὶ Κνίδου} is attributed to Posidippus of Pella. Posidippus, fr. 147 in Austin & Bastianini (2002), also as Supplementum Hellenisticum 706. Perhaps Posidippus’s Περὶ Κνίδου included reference to this story. That’s reasonably speculative, particularly in light of Arnobius’s attribution. Cf. Corso (2007) p. 192, which doesn’t indicate any doubt.

Ancient Greco-Roman literature includes on the order of ten (not necessarily independent) accounts of agalmatophilia {ἄγαλμαφιλία} — sexual attraction to a statue or doll. The most famous story is Ovid’s story of the love of the sculptor Pygmalion of Cyprus for a statue he created. Ovid, Metamorphoses 10.148-73. On that story, Elsner (1991). In regard to ancient Greco-Roman agalmatophilia more generally, Weedle (2006). “Clearly the theme was popular in antiquity.” Elsner (1991) p. 158. For additional citations to ancient textual accounts, id. p. 167, n. 26. Prior to modern universities and otiose intellectual life, ordinary persons profoundly engaged with art and literature.

[13] Some academics have gone even as far as to charge the unfortunate young man with “rape of the statue.” Rosenmeyer (2001) p. 258. Even worse, he has been charged with “rape of the goddess.” Elsner (1991) p. 158. Inanimate objects, e.g. dildos, cannot reasonably be characterized as victims of rape. Ignorance and anti-men gender bigotry in discussing rape isn’t just a problem among classicists. Grotesquely unjust treatment of men and boys who are raped is a general social injustice.

[images] (1) Roman copy of Praxiteles’s Aphrodite of Cnidus. Preserved as Inv. 8619 in Museo Nazionale Romano di Palazzo Altemps (Rome, Italy). Credit: Ludovisi Collection. Source image thanks to Jastrow (2006) and Wikimedia Commons. Here’s an image of the full statue. An additional view.

(2) Statue of Pygmalion looking with desire at the beautiful, naked woman Galatee he sculpted. Sculpted by Étienne Maurice Falconet in 1763. Preserved in the Hermitage Museum (St. Petersburg, Russia). Source image thanks to Alex Bakharev and Wikimedia Commons.

(3) Painting of Pygmalion awe-struck at the beauty of the naked woman that he sculpted. Painting by Franz Stuck. Preserved in the Villa Stuck Museum (Munich, Germany). Source image thanks to Wikimedia Commons.

(4) Oil painting of Pygmalion embracing an unfinished marble statue. Painted by Guido Calori, probably made early in the twentieth century. Source image thanks to Lanfranco Cascioli and Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Austin, Colin, and Guido Bastianini, eds. 2002. Posidippi Pellaei Quae Supersunt Omnia. Milano: LED – Edizioni Universitarie di Lettere Economia Diritto. Review by Susan Stephens.

Bottenberg, Laura. 2020. “Pseudo-Lucian’s Cnidian Aphrodite: A Statue of Flesh, Stone, and Words.” Millennium. 17 (1): 115–38.

Butterworth, G. W., trans. 1919. Clement of Alexandria. The Exhortation to the Greeks. The Rich Man’s Salvation. To the Newly Baptized. Loeb Classical Library 92. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Brenner, A. R. and F. H Fobes, ed. and trans. 1949. Alciphron, Aelian, Philostratus. Alciphron, Aelian, and Philostratus: The Letters. Loeb Classical Library 383. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Corso, Antonio. 1997. “The Cnidian Aphrodite.” Chapter 11 (pp. 91-98) in Ian Jenkins and Geoffrey B. Waywell, eds. Sculptors and Sculpture of Caria and the Dodecanese. London: Published for the Trustees of the British Museum by British Museum Press.

Corso, Antonio. 2007. “The Cult and Political Background of the Knidian Aphrodite.” Proceedings of the Danish Institute at Athens. 5: 173-197.

Eichholz, D. E., ed. and trans. 1962. Pliny. Natural History, Volume X: Books 36-37. Loeb Classical Library 419. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Elsner, John. 1991. “Visual Mimesis and the Myth of the Real: Ovid’s Pygmalion as Viewer.” Ramus. 20 (2): 154–68.

Fagles, Robert, trans. 1996. Homer. The Odyssey. New York: Penguin Publishing Group.

Funke, Melissa. 2024. “Blog #93: Piecing Together the Life of Phryne with Melissa Funke.” Posted online on Feb. 16, 2024, at Peopling the Past: Real People in the Ancient World and the People who Study Them.

Granholm, Patrik, ed. and trans. 2012. Alciphron: Letters of the Courtesans. Uppsala: Institutionen för Lingvistik och Filologi, Uppsala Universitet.

Gutzwiller, Kathryn J. 2004. “Gender and Inscribed Epigram: Herennia Procula and the Thespian Eros.” Transactions of the American Philological Association. 134 (2): 383–418.

Halton, Thomas P., trans. 2013. Theodoret of Cyrus. A Cure for Pagan Maladies. Ancient Christian Writers, 67. New York: The Newman Press. Reivew by Robert P. Russo.

Havelock, Christine Mitchell. 1995. The Aphrodite of Knidos and Her Successors: A Historical Review of the Female Nude in Greek Art. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Review by Miranda Marvin.

Jones, Horace Leonard, trans. 1927. Strabo. Geography, Volume IV: Books 8-9. Loeb Classical Library 196. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Jones, W. H. S., trans. 1935. Pausanias. Description of Greece, Volume IV: Books 8.22-10. Loeb Classical Library 297. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

MacLeod, M. D., ed. and trans. 1961. Lucian. Dialogues of the Dead. Dialogues of the Sea-Gods. Dialogues of the Gods. Dialogues of the Courtesans. Loeb Classical Library 431. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

MacLeod, M. D., ed. and trans. 1967. Lucian. Soloecista. Lucius or The Ass. Amores. Halcyon. Demosthenes. Podagra. Ocypus. Cyniscus. Philopatris. Charidemus. Nero. Loeb Classical Library 432. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Murray, A. T., ed. and trans., revised by George E. Dimock. 1919. Homer. Odyssey. Volume I: Books 1-12. Volume II: Books 13-24. Loeb Classical Library 104-105. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Olson, S. Douglas, ed. and trans. 2006-2012. Athenaeus of Naucratis. The Learned Banqueters {Deipnosophistae}. Loeb Classical Library vols. 204, 208, 224, 235, 274, 327, 345, 519. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Paton, W.R., ed and trans. 1918. The Greek Anthology. Volume V: Books 13-16. Loeb Classical Library 86. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Series: vol. I, bks. 1-6; vol. II, bks. 7-8; vol. III, bk. 9; vol IV, bks. 10-12; vol. V, bks. 13-16.

Raeder, Johann, ed. 1904. Theodoreti Graecarum Affectionum Curatio. Lipsiae: In aedibus B.G. Teubneri. Alternate source.

Rosenmeyer, Patricia A. 2001. “(In-)Versions of Pygmalion: The Statue Talks Back.” Chapter 13 (pp. 240-260) in A. P. M. H. Lardinois and Laura McClure, eds. Making Silence Speak: Women’s Voices in Greek Literature and Society. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Sterba, Amereece. 2023. The Statue That Started It All: The Aphrodite of Knidos. MA Thesis, San Jose State University, California.

Weddle, Polly. 2006. The secret life of statues; ancient agalmatophilia narratives. MA Thesis, Durham University.

Philodemos shows diversity and inclusion in love for women

In ancient and medieval Europe, learned scholars expressed men’s ardent love for women. Shrewd, career-striving scholars now tend to claim that men hate women and always have. Misunderstanding diversity and inclusion seems to have driven this expressive flip from love to hate. Writing in the middle of the first century BGC, the eminent philosopher and poet Philodemos exemplifies the more reasonable, more loving understanding of diversity and inclusion.

Philodemos profoundly, passionately, and personally appreciated diversity and inclusion in love for women. Philodemos loved a woman named Flora, a name superficially associated with rusticity and simplicity. His epigram in love for Flora shows great literary learning. It’s also intensely, personally expressive:

Oh foot, oh calve, oh (I’m rightly done for)
those thighs! Oh buttocks, oh vulva, oh flanks,
oh shoulders, oh breasts, oh slender neck!
Oh hands, oh eyes (I’m going mad),
oh most lascivious postures, oh outstanding
tonguings, oh (slay me) her exclamations!
If she’s an Oscan and a Flora and doesn’t sing Sappho’s songs —
well, even Perseus fell in love with Indian Andromeda.

{ ὢ ποδός, ὢ κνήμης, ὢ τῶν (ἀπόλωλα δικαίως)
μηρῶν, ὢ γλουτῶν, ὢ κτενός, ὢ λαγόνων,
ὢ ὤμοιν, ὢ μαστῶν, ὢ τοῦ ῥαδινοῖο τραχήλου,
ὢ χειρῶν, ὢ τῶν (μαίνομαι) ὀμματίων,
ὢ κακοτεχνοτάτου κινήματος, ὢ περιάλλων
γλωττισμῶν, ὢ τῶν (θῦέ με) φωναρίων·
εἰ δ’ Ὀπικὴ καὶ Φλῶρα καὶ οὐκ ᾄδουσα τὰ Σαπφοῦς,
καὶ Περσεὺς Ἰνδῆς ἠράσατ’ Ἀνδρομέδης. }[1]

Philodemos sees the diversity in a Flora’s body parts, and each different part thrills him. She isn’t an immobile object, but a living woman apparently dancing naked. She’s turning so that he can see the beauty of her front (vulva, breasts, mouth, eyes) and back (calves, buttocks). She isn’t silent like a man being berated for his toxic masculinity — she exclaims, adding her voice to her beauty. Contrary to the modern demonic myth of the male gaze, men desire to see a woman’s face. Philodemos sees Flora’s face. In his passionate love for her, he also appreciates her across the diversity of her personal qualities.

Pompeii Yakshi: statuette of beautiful, naked woman-goddess; made in India and brought to Pompeii about two thousand years ago

In addition to Flora’s personal diversity, Philodemos loves Flora across gender, race, culture, and class. Philodemos is a man. Flora is a woman. Despite that gender difference, he loves her. Moreover, Flora was a dark-skinned woman like the Indian / Ethiopian princess Andromeda. Philodemos loves persons who are both women and black:

Didyme captured me with her eye. Oh, I but
melt like wax by a fire when I see her beauty.
If she’s black — so what? Coals are too, but when we
heat them, they glow like rosebuds.

{ Τὠφθαλμῷ Διδύμη με συνήρπασεν· ὤμοι, ἐγὼ δὲ
τήκομαι ὡς κηρὸς πὰρ πυρὶ κάλλος ὁρῶν.
εἰ δὲ μέλαινα, τί τοῦτο; καὶ ἄνθρακες· ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε κείνους
θάλψωμεν, λάμπουσ᾽ ὡς ῥόδεαι κάλυκες. }[2]

Further categorical differences exist. Flora is an Oscan, meaning she belongs to the Italian-speaking ethnicity of the Compania region in southern Italy. The Romans considered the Oscans to be culturally unsophisticated. The highest status culture and language on the Italian peninsula was Greek. Among the most esteemed representatives of Greek culture was the famous Greek woman poet Sappho, particularly notable for her gender-defying lover for her brothers. Like most persons today, Flora couldn’t perform from memory Sappho’s poetry. Thus even more than the love of the Greek hero Perseus for the Indian princess Andromeda, Philodemos’s love for Flora encompassed what learned scholars today call “intersectionality.”

More sophisticated intersectionality theory recognizes that persons are not only multi-characteristic, but also dynamic. Unlearned persons might say, “I prefer blondes,” or “I prefer raven-haired lovelies.” An intersectionality theorist would then intersect hair-color categories with race, gender, colonial status, etc. But categories of exclusion and oppression, which are socially constructed through time, should be recognized as contingent, ambiguous, and fluid. A poet closely associated with Philodemos lovingly explained to a woman:

Whether I see you with shining black hair,
lady-lord, whether another time with blond,
from both equal charm gleams. Very truly so
Eros will dwell in your hair even when it’s gray.

{ Εἴτε σε κυανέῃσιν ἀποστίλβουσαν ἐθείραις,
εἴτε πάλιν ξανθαῖς εἶδον, ἄνασσα, κόμαις,
ἴση ἀπ’ ἀμφοτέρων λάμπει χάρις. ἦ ῥά γε ταύταις
θριξὶ συνοικήσει καὶ πολιῇσιν ῎Ερως. }[3]

Loving across identity categories is a loving form of diversity and inclusion.

Greek hero Perseus attacks the monster Cetus while the Ethiopian princess Andromeda watches: painting on ancient amphora

Philodemos didn’t understand diversity and inclusion to exclude him loving his wife in a special way. Philodemos lived with his wife Xantho. They had a servant woman named Philainis. Philodemos excluded Philainis from witnesses him having sex with his wife:

Philainis, with dewy oil soak the lamp,
silent confidant of not-to-be-spoken intercourse,
then leave! Sexual desire doesn’t welcome a living
witness. And close the door tight, Philainis.
Now you, Xantho, come to me — and you, O lover-loving wife,
learn the rest the Love goddess has for us.

{ τὸν σιγῶντα, Φιλαινί, συνίστορα τῶν ἀλαλήτων
λύχνον ἐλαιηρῆς ἐκμεθύσασα δρόσου,
ἔξιθι: μαρτυρίην γὰρ Ἔρως μόνος οὐκ ἐφίλησεν
ἔμπνουν καὶ πηκτὴν κλεῖε, Φιλαινί, θύρην.
καὶ σύ, φίλη Ξανθώ, με — σὺ δ᾽, ὦ φιλεράστρια κοίτη,
ἤδη τῆς Παφίης ἴσθι τὰ λειπόμενα. }[4]

Sometimes excluding a person is appropriate even if in general one strongly supports diversity and inclusion.

Aphrodite Pandemos depicted in 19th-century painting

Philodemos’s support for diversity and inclusion in love encompassed sex workers. He respectfully engaged with women sex workers. He embraced mutuality while recognized the different interests of sex worker and client in their fair-dealing commercial transaction. That’s evident in his conversation with a sex worker:

“Hello.” — “And hello to you.” — “What should I call you?” — “And me, you?” — “Not
yet. You’re too eager for intimate friendship.” — “You, too.” — “Do you have anyone?” —
“Always do. The one who loves me.” — “Would you dine with me
today?” — “If you wish.” — “Excellent! How much for your company?” —
“Don’t pay me anything in advance.” — “That’s strange.” — “Instead, pay what
you think right once you’ve slept with me.” — “That’s fair.
Where will you be? I’ll send for you.” …

{ Χαῖρε σύ. — καὶ σύ γε χαῖρε. — τί δεῖ σε καλεῖν — σὲ δέ — μήπω
τοῦτο· φιλόσπουδος. — μηδὲ σύ. — μή τιν᾽ ἔχεις —
αἰεί· τὸν φιλέοντα. — θέλεις ἅμα σήμερον ἡμῖν
δειπνεῖν — εἰ σὺ θέλεις. — εὖ γε· πόσου παρέσῃ —
μηδέν μοι προδίδου. — τοῦτο ξένον. — ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον ἄν σοι
κοιμηθέντι δοκῇ, τοῦτο δός. — οὐκ ἀδικεῖς.
ποῦ γίνῃ; πέμψω. … }[5]

A modern commonplace is that the best exemplar of delusion is the man who believes that a whore loves him. Nonetheless, the sex worker Philainion credibly loved Philodemos:

Philainion is small and dark, but her hair is
more curled than celery, her skin more tender than down,
her voice more magical than the enchanting girdle, and she gives
all of herself and often refrains from asking for anything.
May I love such a Philainion until I find,
O golden Love goddess, another who is more perfect.

{ Μικκὴ καὶ μελανεῦσα Φιλαίνιον, ἀλλὰ σελίνων
οὐλοτέρη καὶ μνοῦ χρῶτα τερεινοτέρη
καὶ κεστοῦ φωνεῦσα μαγώτερα, καὶ παρέχουσα
πάντα καὶ αἰτῆσαι πολλάκι φειδομένη.
τοιαύτην στέργοιμι Φιλαίνιον ἄχρις ἂν εὕρω
ἄλλην, ὦ χρυσέη Κύπρι, τελειοτέρην. }[6]

Philodemos wasn’t a bird-brain or nonsensical person in thinking about men’s relationships with women sex workers. He expressed intemperate outrage at one man’s sexual foolishness:

Mr. X gives five gold coins to Mrs. Y for one go,
and he fucks shivering with fear and by god, she’s not even pretty.
I give Lysianassa five silver coins for twelve sessions,
and I not only fuck a better woman, but openly besides.
Either I am completely out of my mind, or after such stupidity,
one should remove that man’s testicles with an axe.

{ πέντε δίδωσιν ἑνὸς τῇ δει̃να ὁ δει̃να τάλαντα,
καὶ βινει̃ φρίσσων καὶ, μὰ τὸν, οὐδὲ καλὴν·
πέντε δ᾽ ἐγὼ δραχμὰς τω̃ν δώδεκα Λυσιανάσσῃ,
καὶ βινω̃ πρὸς τῳ̃ κρείσσονα καὶ φανερω̃ς.
πάντως ἤτοι ἐγὼ φρένας οὐκ ἔχω ἢ τό γε λοιπὸν
τοὺς κείνου πελέκει δει̃ διδύμους ἀφελει̃ν. }[7]

Terribly entrenched in European civilization, castration culture must be recognized as always wrong. No circumstances justify destroying the source of human seminal blessing.[8] Despite Philodemos’s vigorous action in support of diversity and inclusion, he wasn’t a morally perfect person. None of us are.

Greek hero Perseus rescues Indian princess Andromeda

Philodemos’s epigram celebrating Flora embraces a beautiful and ardently loving understanding of diversity and inclusion. That understanding was fruitful in the ancient Roman world. A scholar aptly summarized:

Philodemus’ epigram concerns the poet’s infatuation with a dancer who has an Oscan/Latin name, Flora, and who cannot sing the Greek poetry of Sappho, a surely particularly grating feature for a poet who, according to his treatise On Poems, valued poetry where sound was firmly wedded to ideas. But despite this touch of Hellenic condescension, Philodemus’ epigram reveals a poet interacting with the linguistic and cultural diversity of Campanian society in the late Roman Republic. … as Philodemus’ Flora offers an inclusive, generous view of Campanian multiculturalism, so Flora in Ovid’s Fasti offers not a univocal view of Augustan identity and culture but a generous and capacious one, which Martial builds upon in his imperial expansion of epigram. Philodemus’ Oscan Flora thus provided the invitation for later Roman crosscultural and crosslinguistic play in a Rome that, like Republican Campania, was a new melting pot of cross cultural contact and experiment. [9]

Christian scholars working within the relatively broad-minded, tolerant, and intellectually developed medieval European world valued, copied, and circulated Philodemos’s epigrams. Those epigrams are a precious gift to our more narrow-minded, bigoted, and intellectually stunted age. Without appreciating Philodemos’s brilliant understanding of diversity and inclusion in love, advocates of diversity and inclusion would at best lead us to an irrational and hateful future.

* * * * *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] Greek Anthology {Anthologia Graeca} / Palatine Anthology {Anthologia Palatina} 5.132, Philodemos (Philodemus) of Gadara {Φιλόδημος ὁ Γαδαρεύς}, epigram, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from Paton & Tueller (2014). This epigram is number 12 (Sider 12) in Sider (1997). Subsequent epigrams from the Greek Anthology are similarly sourced.

An ancient editor misleadingly entitled this epigram, “On the same Xanthippe; a surprising poem, full of madness {εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν Ξανθίππην· μανίας μεστὸν καὶ θαυμαστικόν}.” This epigram is clearly about Flora, not Xanthippe.

In this epigram, Sider translated the interjection “ὢ κτενός” as “O bush.” The ancient Greek word κτείς means “comb.” It also has a metaphorical meaning:

a woman’s comb, that is to speak euphemistically and mystically, a woman’s genital part

{ κτεὶς γυναικεῖος, ὅς ἐστιν, εὐφήμως καὶ μυστικῶς εἰπεῖν, μόριον γυναικεῖον }.

Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Greeks / Protrepticus {Προτρεπτικὸς πρὸς Ἕλληνας} 2.18, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified insubstantially) from Butterworth (1919). Metaphorically extending the shape of a hair comb, κτείς means protruding, jagged parts associated with the external appearance of the prepuce, clitoris, and labia majora for many but not all women. Similar metaphorical thinking apparently generated a rooster’s “comb.” Nearly contemporaneous Latin literature also supports such an understanding:

The skillful masseur presses his fingers on her “crest”
and causes a shriek from the top of his lady-lord’s thigh.

{ callidus et cristae digitos inpressit aliptes
ac summum dominae femur exclamare coegit. }

Juvenal, Satires 6.443-4, Latin text and English translation (modified) from Braund (2004). Translating κτείς as “bush,” which emphasizes hair, is thus misleading in Philodemos’s epigram.

Relevant context for interpreting difficult words in Philodemos’s epigram on Flora comes from Automedon’s epigram praising a woman dancer from Asia:

The dancer from Asia who moves through lascivious
postures, quivering from her tender fingertips,
I praise, not because she expresses all passions,
not because she moves her tender hands tenderly this way and that,
but because she knows how to dance around my worn-out rod
and doesn’t run away from an old man’s wrinkles.
She tongues, she tickles, she hugs. And when she kicks up her leg,
she can bring back my staff from the dead.

{ Τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίης ὀρχηστρίδα, τὴν κακοτέχνοις
σχήμασιν ἐξ ἁπαλῶν κινυμένην ὀνύχων,
αἰνέω, οὐχ ὅτι πάντα παθαίνεται οὐδ’ ὅτι βάλλει
τὰς ἁπαλὰς ἁπαλῶς ὧδε καὶ ὧδε χέρας,
ἀλλ’ ὅτι καὶ τρίβακον περὶ πάσσαλον ὀρχήσασθαι
οἶδε καὶ οὐ wεύγει γηραλέας ῥυτίδας.
γλωττίζει, κνίζει, περιλαμβάνει⋅ ἢν δ’ ἐπιρίψῃ
τὸ σκέλος, ἐξ ᾅδου τὴν κορύνην ἀνάγει. }

Greek Anthology 5.129, Automedon {Αὐτομέδων}. The editorial heading is “On a prostitute dancer {εἰς πόρνην ὀρχηστρίδα}.” The epigram itself clearly specifies a woman dancing. “Rod” and “staff” are euphemisms for Audomedon’s penis. Men’s penises can comfort women. The alternate translation for κορύνη, “club,” falls within the despicable literary tradition of brutalizing men’s penises. The concluding verse’s reference to Automedon’s staff returning from the dead plausibly alludes ironically to Persephone’s returning from Hades. Höschele (2006).

Both Automedon’s epigram and Philodemos’s epigram embrace ethnic diversity in love for women with their appreciation for an Asian dancer and the Oscan Flora, respectively. Automedon’s epigram shares with Philodemos’s epigram a reference to “lascivious postures {κακότεχνα σχήματα}.” That shared description suggests that Philodemos’s Flora was a dancer. It also suggests that Philodemos’s interjection “oh outstanding tonguings {ὢ περιάλλων γλωττισμῶν}” refers to Flora’s skill in providing oral sex. Booth (2011) pp. 58-60. Such skill was important to Automedon, who suffered from the epic disaster of men’s impotence. See Greek Anthology 11.29. For Philodemos’s epigram, Sider’s translation, “O fabulous kisses,” failed to recognize this important context and is clearly inferior. Sider (1997) pp. 104, 107-8.

The name Flora is rooted in ancient Latin and Oscan and transliterated into ancient Greek as Φλῶρα. Romans typically regarded Oscans as “rustics who were closely connected with the rude and lewd Atellan farces.” Newlands (2016) p. 116 (para. 7). However, Flora was a “major indigenous agricultural deity” in both Latin-speaking and Oscan-speaking areas of the Roman Republic. Id. pp. 118-9 (paras. 11-2). The name Flora has long been associated with flowers and beauty. In medieval Latin literature, Flora often was a name for a beautiful, beloved young woman. The Roman statesman and general Pompey the Great (Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus) as a youth consorted with a high-class courtesan named Flora. Id. p. 117 (para. 9). Newlands insightfully stated:

The Oscan girl’s naming as “Flora” therefore is pivotal in Philodemus’ poem, for the name bridges the cultural divide between Oscan and Roman, between courtesan and goddess, and between the physical world of erotic dance and the polished text. The name Flora beautifully encapsulates the dynamic trilingualism of late Republican Campania.

Id. p. 120 (para. 14). Flora is no “mere Flora.” Id. p. 120 (para. 13), criticizing Sider’s “mere Flora” translation. For an example of interplay between Latin and Oscan in the elite poetry of Catullus, Hawkins (2012).

The final two verses of Philodemos’s Flora epigram present motifs that can be traced from Theocritus through Ovid. Those motifs are 1) foreign woman, 2) with dark complexion, 3) like Perseus and Andromeda, and 4) in relation to Sappho. Courtney (1990). Ancient Greco-Roman authors commonly conflated India and Ethiopia / Africa. Suggesting the relative insignificance of skin color in men’s love for women, European painters rarely depicted Andromeda having darker skin than Perseus. Eddimedes Murphes in a modern adaptation of Aristophanes’s Parliament of Women bluntly expressed men’s embrace of diversity in love for women, with a minor exception.

Perseus, with the help of Eros / Cupid, rescues the enchained Princess Andromeda

Philodemos’s description of Flora’s diverse attributes proceeds upwards along her body (ascending bottom to top). As a literary motif, the “description of a young woman {descriptio puellae}” typically proceeds downwards (descending top to bottom), such as in Ovid, Amores 1.5.17-26. This ancient descriptive practice reached the height of its literary sophistication in medieval Europe.

The descriptio puellae degenerated after the end of the Middle Ages. For example, sixteenth-century French literature produced the blason anatomique. That literary form typically involves continual praise of a particular feminine body part. In 1535 under the patronage of Duchess Renée de France and her circle, the poet Clément Marot composed the leading work: an epigram called “Le beau tétin {The beautiful breast}.” Other poets quickly recognized the value of such poetry. Blasons anatomiques du corps féminin, published in 1543, shows the rapid dissemination of the form. A mirror poetic form, contreblasons, soon arose. It disparaged a feminine body part. Marot’s contreblason, “Le laid tétin {The ugly breast},” caused a huge uproar in which Marot was harshly condemned. Patterson (2015). For an anti-meninist analysis of the blason anatomique within the high anxiety that anti-meninism generates, Persels (2002).

Automedon’s and Philodemos’s epigrams, and many other epigrams in the Greek Anthology, represent learned, sophisticated poetry. Nonetheless, a scholar recently characterized these epigrams as “a lower and more debased class of poetry” and suggested that Horace alluded to:

the common circulation of that text, with its lewd content, to an uncritical and coarse public. … In the form in which Automedon’s closely contemporary epigram was circulating in Horace’s time, the physical artefact presented to readers was anything but a lepidum novum libellum (Catull. 1.1) – a curated, polished edition; rather, the epigram seems to have been preserved as a carelessly copied product that might be compared, in modern terms, to a badly edited, throwaway paperback published for consumption by an idle, undiscriminating audience seeking raunchy entertainment.

Werner (2023) p. 17, n. 31; p. 18. Such a claim indicates astonishing ignorance of the literary tradition of Hellenistic epigrams.

Philodemos, also spelled Philodemus in the Latin tradition, was born about 110 BGC in the city of Gadara in present-day Jordan. Probably because of battles between Greek and Jewish armies, Philodemos left Gadara and went to Athens. There he studied with Zenon of Sidon, then the head of the Epicurean school of philosophy. By 55 BGC, Philodemos lived in Rome and was well-known as a close friend of the Epicurean philosopher L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, father-in-law of Julius Caesar. Fain (2010) pp. 184-7.

Along with other leading Roman writers, Philodemos resided near the Bay of Naples, probably between the 60s and 40s BGC. Many of his writings were discovered preserved in the ashes of the Villa dei Papyri at Herculaneum. Philodemos’s friend and patron Piso probably owned that villa. Philodemos apparently knew Virgil and probably Cicero. He influenced many important Latin writers, including Virgil, Horace, Ovid, and even the great early medieval Latin poet Maximianus. Fielding (2016). On Philodemos’s influence on Horace, Propertius, and Ovid, Keith (2021).

[2] Greek Anthology 5.210, which attributes the epigram to Asclepiades {Ἀσκληπιάδης}. This epigram is editorially entitled, “On Didyme {εἰς Δίδυμην}.” On Asclepiades’s support for diversity and inclusion in this epigram, Snowden (1991).

[3] Greek Anthology 5.26. This anonymous epigram follows an epigram of Philodemos and seems closely associated with Philodemos’s epigrams. It’s not attributed to Philodemos in Sider (1997). Its editorial title is “On a beautiful young woman {εἰς κόρην εὔμορφον}.” Here’s an alternate English translation. Philodemos wrote a highly sophisticated epigram in praise of the sixty-year-old courtesan Charito. Greek Anthology 5.13 (Sider 9), “On Charito, a courtesan, in wonder {εἰς ἑταίραν τινὰ Χαριτὼ θαυμάσιον}.”

[4] Greek Anthology 5.4 (Sider 7), an epigram by Philodemos. It’s editorially titled “On the younger Philaenis {εἰς Φιλαινίδα τὴν νεωτέραν}.” The epigram is actually primarily about Xantho / Xanthippe, who is Philodemos’s wife. A woman named Xanthippe was Socrates’s wife.

Showing his sexual desire for his wife Xanthippe and his concern for her sexual consent, Philodemos wrote:

I am an apple. The one who sends me loves you. Nod your consent,
Xanthippe. Both you and I are wasting away.

{ Μῆλον ἐγώ· πέμπει με φιλῶν σέ τις. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπίνευσον,
Ξανθίππη· κἀγὼ καὶ σὺ μαραινόμεθα. }

Greek Anthology 5.80 (Sider 2). Apples have long been regarded as love charms. Sider attributes seven epigrams (Sider 1 to 7) to Philodemos concerning his wife Xantho / Xanthippe.

[5] Greek Anthology 5.46 (Sider 20), an epigram by Philodemos. It’s editorially titled “A conversation with a courtesan, proceeding by question and answer {πρὸς ἑταίραν· κατὰ πεῦσιν καὶ ἀπόκρισιν}.”

[6] Greek Anthology 5.121 (Sider 17), an epigram by Philodemos. It’s editorially titled “Surprising praise for Philainion, a courtesan {εἰς Φιλαίνιον ἑταίραν ἔπαινος θαυμάσιος}.” Philaenis (Philainion) of Samos was thought to have lived in the fourth century BGC and to be the author of an ancient sex manual. On Philaenis, Agnolon (2013).

[7] Greek Anthology 5.126 (Sider 22), an epigram by Philodemos. It’s editorially titled “A mocking poem on a spent lover who still pays dearly for courtesans {τωθαστικὸν ἐπί τινι ἐρῶντι σαπρῷ καὶ πολλὰ παρεχομένῳ ταῖς ἑταίραις}.” A modern editor noted, “The lemmatist misreads the poem; the indications are rather that the first lover has sex with a married woman.” Paton & Tueller (2014) note 1. Those categories aren’t disjunctive. A man might have sex with a married woman who’s also a courtesan.

Horace documented Philodemos’s respectful but no-nonsense approach to women sex-workers:

“A little later,” “yet more gifts,” “if my husband has left” —
a woman who speaks like this is for Galli, so says Philodemos, who for himself
asks for a woman who is neither high-priced nor slow to come when bidden.

{ illam “post paulo,” “sed pluris,” “si exierit vir,”
Gallis, hanc Philodemus ait sibi, quae neque magno
stet pretio neque cunctetur cum est iussa venire. }1.2.120-2.

Horace, Satires 1.2.120-2, Latin text and English translation (modified) from Fairclough (1926).

[8] In Greek Anthology 5.126, Philodemos associated castration with a courtesan acting as a dominating lady-lord. That figure echoes the figure of Cybele, the Dindymenean mother whom castrated priests (Galli) served. Catullus picked up this figure in Catullus 63, It’s a structuring figure throughout Catullus’s poems. A scholar explained:

Therefore on its face value the pun is obvious — it underscores, especially from the point of view of a Gallus, that aspect of Cybele’s worship that is most bizarre, her demand for castration; she has all power and ownership over one’s testicles. The pun is likewise clear and powerful, if we read the poem not in literal terms, but as an allegory of Catullus’ own emasculation before Lesbia and the Roman state: Catullus’ manhood and virility are no longer his own, but possessed by others. Both in the sexual and social realm he is a slave.

Holmes (2012) pp. 279-80. Classicists generally have failed to take sufficient notice of the oppressive effects of castration culture.

[9] Newlands (2016) p. 113 (para. 2).

[images] (1) Pompeii Yakshi. Small ivory sculpture of beautiful, naked woman-goddess made in India and brought to Pompeii about two thousand years ago. Philodemos lived about the Bay of Naples between the 60s and 40s BGC and thus lived near Pompeii. Source image by Dan Diffendale. A modified version is presented above under the fair use provisions of U.S. copyright law. Wikimedia Commons includes many photographs of this sculpture. It’s preserved as inventory # 149425 in Naples National Archaeological Museum (Naples, Campania, Italy).

The Pompeii Yakshi was earlier called the Pompeii Lakshmi according to the belief that the statuette represented the goddess Lakshmi. The most widely accepted scholarly judgment currently is that the statuette represents a Yakshi, also called a Yakshini, which is a female nature spirit in Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain cultures.

Made in India, the Pompeii Yakshi was preserved in Pompeii when Pompeii was destroyed by Mount Vesuvius’s eruption in 79 GC. From about 300 BGC to 700 GC, the western Indian Ocean was a major trading zone. Seland (2014). In Roman culture, India was associated with luxuries:

India emerges as an origin of choice: it would be no exaggeration to say, in general, that Indian origins of any particular item, whether real or imagined, added value to it in Roman eyes.

Parker (2002) p. 55.

(2) Greek hero Perseus attacks the monster Cetus {Κῆτος,} while the Indian princess Andromeda watches. Corinthian black-figure amphora from Cerveteri, Italy. Painted between 575 BGC and 550 BGC. Preserved as inventory # F 1652 in Antikensammlung Berlin, Altes Museum. Source image via Wikimedia Commons. Here are many more images of Andromeda.

(3) Aphrodite Pandemos (goddess of love for all the people) riding a goat as her son Eros flies away. A satyr holding a torch pulls on the goat by its beard. Goats have long been associated with ardent sexual desire. Oil on canvas painted by Charles Gleyre in 1852. Image via Wikimedia Commons. More information about this painting.

(4) Greek hero Perseus rescues Indian princess Andromeda from the monster Cetus. Oil on panel painting (cropped slightly) painted by Piero di Cosimo about 1510-1515. Preserved as accession # 1536 in the Uffizi Gallery (Florence, Italy). Perseus is shown flying through the air (top righ), slaying the monster Cetus (center), and celebrating his marriage to Andromeda (bottom right). The partially nude, enchained Andromeda is a well-established motif. Source image via Wikimedia Commons.

(5) Greek hero Perseus, with the help of Eros / Cupid, rescues the enchained Indian princess Andromeda. Engraving made about 1655 following the design of Abraham van Diepenbeeck. From Marolles (1655), between pp. 306-7. Source image via Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Agnolon, Alexandre. 2013. “Filênis, de Belle de Jour à Alcoviteira: Matéria Erótica na Antologia Grega.” Classica – Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos. 26 (1): 51–66.

Booth, Joan. 2011. “Negotiating with the epigram in Latin love elegy.” Chapter 4 (pp. 51-65) in Alison Keith, ed. Latin Elegy and Hellenistic Epigram: A Tale of Two Genres at Rome. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Volume introduction.

Butterworth, G. W., ed. and trans. 1919. Clement of Alexandria. The Exhortation to the Greeks. The Rich Man’s Salvation. To the Newly Baptized. Loeb Classical Library 92. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Braund, Susanna Morton, trans. 2004. Juvenal and Persius. Loeb Classical Library 91. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Courtney, Edward. 1990. “Ovid and an Epigram of Philodemus.” Liverpool Classical Monthly. 15 (8): 117-118.

Fain, Gordon L. 2010. Ancient Greek Epigrams: Major Poets in Verse Translation. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Fairclough, H. Rushton, trans. 1926. Horace. Satires. Epistles. The Art of Poetry. Loeb Classical Library 194. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Fielding, Ian. 2016. “A Greek Source for Maximianus’ Greek Girl: Late Latin Love Elegy and the Greek Anthology.” Pp. 323-339 in McGill, Scott, and Joseph Pucci, eds. Classics Renewed: Reception and Innovation in the Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity. Heidelberg: Universitatsverlag.

Hawkins, Shane. 2012. “On the Oscanism salaputium in Catullus 53.” Transactions of the American Philological Association (TAPA). 142 (2): 329–53.

Holmes, Daniel. 2021. “Philodemus, Catullus, and the Domina Di(n)dymi.” Classical Philology. 116 (2): 276–82.

Höschele, Regina. 2006. “Dirty Dancing. A Note on Automedon AP 5.129.” Mnemosyne. 59 (4): 592–95.

Keith, Alison. 2021. “Philodemus and the Augustan Poets.” Pp. 145-166 in Thea S. Thorsen, Iris Brecke, and Stephen Harrison, eds. Greek and Latin Love: The Poetic Connection. Berlin: De Gruyter.

Marolles, Michel de. 1655. Tableaux du Temple des Muses: Representant les Vertus et les Vices, sur les plus Illustres Fables de l’Antiquité. Paris: Chez Pierre Mariette le fils.

Newlands, Carole E. 2016. “Trilingual Love on the Bay of Naples: Philodemus AP 5. 132 and Ovidian Elegy.” Eugesta. 6: 112-128.

Paton, W. R., ed and trans., rev. by Michael A. Tueller. 2014. The Greek Anthology with an English Translation. Original (1916-18) printed London: William Heinemann (vol. I, bks. 1-6; vol. II, bks. 7-8; vol. III, bk. 9; vol IV, bks. 10-12; vol. V, bks. 13-16).

Parker, Grant. 2002. “Ex Oriente Luxuria: Indian Commodities and Roman Experience.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 45 (1): 40–95.

Patterson, Jonathan. 2015. “Clément Marot and the blason anatomique: Vile Body-Objects and Their Villainous Creators.” Paper presented at the conference “Vile Beings, Bodies and Objects in Early Modern France (1500-1700),” Renaissance Society of America, July 9-11, 2015.

Persels, Jeffery. 2002. “Masculine Rhetoric and the French Blason anatomique.” Pp. 19-35 in Kathleen P. Long, ed. High Anxiety: Masculinity in Crisis in Early Modern France. Kirksville, MO: Truman State University Press.

Seland, Eivind Heldaas. 2014. “Archaeology of Trade in the Western Indian Ocean, 300 BC-AD 700.” Journal of Archaeological Research. 22 (4): 367–402.

Sider, David, ed. and trans. 1997. The Epigrams of Philodemos. Introduction, Text, and Commentary. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Review by Kathryn Gutzwiller.

Snowden, Frank M., Jr. 1991. “Asclepiades’ Didyme.” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies. 32 (3): 239–53.

Werner, Shirley. 2023. “Two Unnarrated Stories in Horace’s Roman Odes ( Carm. 3.2.1–12 and 3.6.21–32): Echoes of Vergil’s Unfinished Aeneid and a Lowlife Epigram.” Antichthon. 57: 80–101.

Ismenodora kidnapped and married her student Bacchon

About two millennia ago in Thespiae at the foot of Mount Helicon, the widow Ismenodora was advising the young man Bacchon about marriage. She was about 30 years old, and he, about 19. Known as “the beautiful man {ὁ καλός},” he was the son of her dear and close woman-friend. She was counseling him to marry a young woman who was one of her relatives. Through her many and long conversations with young Bacchon, Ismenodora fell in love with him.

Ismenodora and Bacchon had a very unequal relationship. In addition to their significant differences in age and experience, she was very wealthy and noble. He had much lower social status and much less wealth. She advising him on marriage essentially positioned her as his teacher, and him, her student.[1] Current sex regulations at most colleges and universities prohibit love affairs between teachers and students.

mummy portrait of a wealthy women from Fayum, Egypt in the second century GC: plausible stand-in for Ismenodora.
Mummy portrait of a young man from Egypt about 190-210 GC: a plausible stand-in for Bacchon

Ismenodora was regarded as a person who adhered to norms of proper behavior. Her love for Bacchon was thus interpreted favorably:

She intended to do nothing dishonorable, but to marry publicly Bacchon and live with him as wife and husband.

{ διενοεῖτο μηδὲν ποιεῖν ἀγεννές, ἀλλὰ γημαμένη φανερῶς συγκαταζῆν τῷ Βάκχωνι. }[2]

Ismenodora never explicitly stated this intention. It seems merely to have been attributed to her as a well-regarded woman. However, even well-regarded men sometimes act wrongly. The same is surely true for women.

As has often happened for women and men throughout history, persons close to Bacchon were to decide whether he would marry Ismenodora. Belief that an individual within a familial and social void chooses “freely” whom to marry is a modern myth. Family and friends have always shaped persons’ marital choices. So it was for the young man Bacchon:

The situation itself appeared extraordinary. Bacchon’s mother had misgivings that the dignity and splendor of Ismenodora’s household were too grand to suit her loved one. … Bacchon was still a minor, and he himself felt shy about marrying a widow. Nevertheless, he ignored the other men and left the decision to Pisias and Anthemion. Anthemion was his older cousin, while Pisias was the most sober of the men who loved him.

{ παραδόξου δὲ τοῦ πράγματος αὐτοῦ φανέντος, ἥ τε μήτηρ ὑφεωρᾶτο τὸ βάρος τοῦ οἴκου καὶ τὸν ὄγκον ὡς οὐ κατὰ τὸν ἐραστόν … ᾐδεῖτο γὰρ ἔφηβος ἔτ᾿ ὢν χήρᾳ συνοικεῖν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐάσας παρεχώρησε τῷ Πεισίᾳ καὶ τῷ Ἀνθεμίωνι βουλεύσασθαι τὸ συμφέρον, ὧν ὁ μὲν ἀνεψιὸς αὐτοῦ ἦν πρεσβύτερος, ὁ δὲ Πεισίας αὐστηρότατος τῶν ἐραστῶν· }

Bacchon allowing others to arrange whether he would marry Ismenodora might be interpreted as indicating his passivity. That’s a regrettably prevalent ideological construct. The mother of the Byzantine Emperor typically arranged his marriage even though he was active enough to engage in vicious Byzantine politics and lead armies in battle. The woman now called Saint Cecilia apparently married to satisfy her family and friends. She was a strong, independent woman within marriage. Bacchon’s decision to allow Pisias and Anthemion to decide whether he would marry Ismenodora doesn’t imply that Bacchon was characteristically passive.

Like many academics today, Pisias focused on domination and subordination. He interpreted the inequality of Ismenodora and Bacchon to imply domination and subordination within their proposed marriage:

I must say that the young man must beware of the lady’s wealth. If we were to plunge him into such grandeur and luster, we might unwittingly make him disappear, as tin disappears when mixed with copper. It would be boastworthy if a young man of his age were to marry a simple, unassuming woman and yet keep his quality unchanged in the union, like wine mixed with water. But as for this woman, we can see her determination to command and to dominate. Otherwise, she would hardly have rejected so many eminent, noble, and wealthy suitors to woo a lad who has not yet discarded his military cloak, a young man who still needs a teacher.

{ ὅτι τῆς γυναικὸς ὁ πλοῦτός ἐστι φυλακτέος τῷ νεανίσκῳ, μὴ συμμίξαντες αὐτὸν ὄγκῳ καὶ βάρει τοσούτῳ λάθοιμεν ὥσπερ ἐν χαλκῷ κασσίτερον ἀφανίσαντες. μέγα γὰρ ἂν ἐλαφρᾷ καὶ λιτῇ γυναικὶ μειρακίου συνελθόντος εἰς ταὐτὸν ἡ κρᾶσις οἴνου δίκην ἐπικρατήσῃ· ταύτην δ᾿ ὁρῶμεν ἄρχειν καὶ κρατεῖν δοκοῦσαν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἀπορρίψασα δόξας καὶ γένη τηλικαῦτα καὶ πλούτους ἐμνᾶτο μειράκιον ἐκ χλαμύδος, ἔτι παιδαγωγεῖσθαι δεόμενον. }[3]

In an ancient Greek tragedy, a husband had an unloving wife. She apparently had much money. He said to her:

You hate me? I can lightly bear your hate
and make material gain in my dishonored state.

{ μισεῖς; ἐγὼ δὲ ῥᾳδίως μισήσομαι,
πρὸς κέρδος ἕλκων τὴν ἐμὴν ἀτιμίαν. }[4]

Material gain and hate is certainly better than material loss and hate. Moreover, learned men in the ancient world recognized that even base-born, impecunious women can come to dominate their husbands:

We know that many men have been abject slaves of impecunious, low-status women. Samian flute-girls, banquet dancers, and women like Aristonicae, Oenanthê with her tambourine, and Agathoclea have trampled on the crowns of kings.

{ ταύταις ἴσμεν οὐκ ὀλίγους αἴσχιστα δουλεύσαντας. αὐλητρίδες δὲ Σάμιαι καὶ ὀρχηστρίδες, Ἀριστονίκα καὶ τύμπανον ἔχουσ᾿ Οἰνάνθη καὶ Ἀγαθόκλεια διαδήμασι βασιλέων ἐπέβησαν. }

In the classical Islamic world, almighty caliphs were subordinate to their beloved slave girls. Consider also Semiramis in ancient Assyria. She was a concubine to a house servant of King Ninus the Great, reputedly the founder of the Assyrian capital Nineveh. When Ninus saw Semiramis, he fell in love with her. He thus effectively lost his head:

She grew to have such power and such contempt for him that she asked to be allowed to direct the affairs of state, crowned and seated on his throne, for one day. He granted this. He issued orders for everyone to serve and obey her just as they would himself. At first her commands were moderate while she was testing the guards. Then, when she saw that there was no opposition or hesitation on their part, she ordered Ninus to be seized, put in chains, and finally put to death.

{ οὕτως ἐκράτησε καὶ κατεφρόνησεν ὥστ᾿ ἀξιῶσαι καὶ μίαν ἡμέραν αὐτὴν περιιδεῖν ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ καθεζομένην ἔχουσαν τὸ διάδημα καὶ χρηματίζουσαν. δόντος δ᾿ ἐκείνου καὶ κελεύσαντος πάντας ὑπηρετεῖν ὥσπερ αὑτῷ καὶ πείθεσθαι, μετρίως ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πρώτοις ἐπιτάγμασι, πειρωμένη τῶν δορυφόρων· ἐπεὶ δ᾿ ἑώρα μηδὲν ἀντιλέγοντας μηδ᾿ ὀκνοῦντας, ἐκέλευσε συλλαβεῖν τὸν Νῖνον εἶτα δῆσαι, τέλος δ᾿ ἀποκτεῖναι· }[5]

In marriage, a person is always at risk of spousal domination. That risk is highest for persons obsessed with dominance and subordination.

Ancient Greek authorities offered common-sense advice on how to avoid dominance in marriage. The ancient Greek iambic poet Hipponax declared:

The best marriage for a sensible man is to get
a woman’s good character as a wedding gift.
This dowry alone preserves the household.
But a man who marries a spoiled woman

That other man, instead of a despot, has a loyal
helper, steadfast throughout his whole life.

{ γάμος κράτιστός ἐστιν ἀνδρὶ σώφρονι
τρόπον γυναικὸς χρηστὸν ἕδνον λαμβάνειν·
αὕτη γὰρ ἡ προὶξ οἰκίαν σῴζει μόνη.
ὅστις δὲ †τρυφερῶς† τὴν γυναῖκ᾿ ἄγει λαβών

συνεργὸν οὗτος ἀντὶ δεσποίνης ἔχει
εὔνουν, βεβαίαν εἰς ἅπαντα τὸν βίον. }[6]

The ancient Greek philosopher Plutarch explained:

Through his self-control, wisdom, and by not being overwhelmed by anything about her, a husband must make himself his wife’s equal and not enslaved by her.

{ ἑαυτὸν ἐγκρατείᾳ καὶ φρονήσει καὶ τῷ μηθὲν ἐκπεπλῆχθαι τῶν περὶ ἐκείνην ἴσον παρέχειν καὶ ἀδούλωτον }

Marriage of course is challenging in practice for young spouses:

Young persons find it difficult to fuse and blend well with each other, and only with much time do they let go of their arrogance and self-assertion. At first they storm and struggle — and even more so if erotic love arises. Just as a high wind upsets a boat without a pilot, so erotic love makes stormy and chaotic a marriage of two people who both cannot command and neither will obey.

{ δύσμικτα γὰρ τὰ νέα καὶ δυσκέραστα καὶ μόλις ἐν χρόνῳ πολλῷ τὸ φρύαγμα καὶ τὴν ὕβριν ἀφίησιν, ἐν ἀρχῇ δὲ κυμαίνει καὶ ζυγομαχεῖ καὶ μᾶλλον ἂν Ἔρως ἐγγένηται καθάπερ πνεῦμα κυβερνήτου μὴ παρόντος ἐτάραξε καὶ συνέχεε τὸν γάμον οὔτ᾿ ἄρχειν δυναμένων οὔτ᾿ ἄρχεσθαι βουλομένων. }[7]

Completely avoiding dominance in marriage isn’t easy. One spouse may be on top at a particular moment, and another spouse on top at another moment. Maintaining a strictly side-by-side position is burdensome and tedious. In practice, all but the most ideologically committed spouses are open to experiencing dynamically and generously a variety of positions.

Plutarch was willing to accept Bacchon being subordinate to Ismenodora in marriage. He explained:

No one is without a ruler. No one is self-determining. What is terrible about a sensible older woman piloting the life of a young man? She will be useful because of her superior intelligence. She will be sweet and affectionate because she loves him.

{ οὐδεὶς δ᾿ ἄναρκτος οὐδ᾿ αὐτοτελής, τί δεινὸν εἰ γυνὴ νοῦν ἔχουσα πρεσβυτέρα κυβερνήσει νέου βίον ἀνδρός, ὠφέλιμος μὲν οὖσα τῷ φρονεῖν μᾶλλον ἡδεῖα δὲ τῷ φιλεῖν καὶ προσηνής }

That same is true, but cannot be said, for an older man piloting the life of a younger woman. Rigid gender-equality dogma impedes beneficial unions. Don’t expect to hear that classical wisdom from today’s classicists.

Anticipating her love for him being rejected, Ismenodora kidnapped Bacchon and apparently raped him. Society commonly functions as an accomplice for women’s sexual crimes. So it was for Ismenodora in relation to Bacchon:

Ismenodora was convinced, it seems, that although Bacchon had no personal antipathy to the marriage, he was embarrassed by its detractors. She accordingly resolved not to let the young man escape. She summoned male friends who were the most vigorous and most sympathetic to her passion, together with the closest of her women friends. She organized them into a disciplined group and waited intently for the hour when Bacchon habitually left the wrestling school and walked orderly by her house. This time he, freshly oiled, approached with two or three companions. Ismenodora met him by her door. She had only to touch Bacchon’s cloak when her friends seized beautifully the beautiful one in his military cloak and sword, together carried him into the house, and immediately locked the doors. Simultaneously the women inside snatched off his military cloak and put on him a wedding garment. The servants scurried about and wreathed the doors with olive and laurel — not only Ismenodora’s doors, but Bacchon’s also. A flute-girl went out and piped her way down the lane.

{ Ἡ γὰρ Ἰσμηνοδώρα, ὡς ἔοικεν, αὐτὸν μὲν οὐκ ἀηδῶς ἔχειν οἰομένη τὸν Βάκχωνα πρὸς τὸν γάμον, αἰσχύνεσθαι δὲ τοὺς ἀποτρέποντας, ἔγνω μὴ προέσθαι τὸ μειράκιον. τῶν οὖν φίλων τοὺς μάλιστα τοῖς βίοις νεαροὺς καὶ συνερῶντας αὐτῇ καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν τὰς συνήθεις μεταπεμψαμένη καὶ συγκροτήσασα παρεφύλαττε τὴν ὥραν, ἣν ὁ Βάκχων ἔθος εἶχεν ἀπιὼν ἐκ παλαίστρας παρὰ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτῆς παρεξιέναι κοσμίως. ὡς οὖν τότε προσῄει μετὰ δυοῖν ἢ τριῶν ἑταίρων ἀληλιμμένος, αὐτὴ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας ἀπήντησεν ἡ Ἰσμηνοδώρα καὶ τῆς χλαμύδος ἔθιγε μόνον, οἱ δὲ φίλοι καλὸν καλῶς ἐν τῇ χλαμύδι καὶ τῇ διβολίᾳ συναρπάσαντες εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν παρήνεγκαν ἀθρόοι καὶ τὰς θύρας εὐθὺς ἀπέκλεισαν. Ἅμα δ᾿ αἱ μὲν γυναῖκες ἔνδον αὐτοῦ τὸ χλαμύδιον ἀφαρπάσασαι περιέβαλον ἱμάτιον νυμφικόν· οἰκέται δὲ περὶ κύκλῳ δραμόντες ἀνέστεφον ἐλαίᾳ καὶ δάφνῃ τὰς θύρας οὐ μόνον τὰς τῆς Ἰσμηνοδώρας ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς τοῦ Βάκχωνος· ἡ δ᾿ αὐλητρὶς αὐλοῦσα διεξῆλθε τὸν στενωπόν. }

Describing the assailants as having seized “beautifully the beautiful one {καλός καλῶς}” suggests approval of this crime. Bacchon’s older cousin Anthemion regarded Ismenodora as a strong woman in love:

Anthemion remarked, “Such a bold stroke is certainly a strong action, really Lemnian — we can admit it since we’re by ourselves. It shows the hand of a woman very much in love. … it truly seems that some divine impulse, overpowering her human reasoning, has taken hold of the merely human woman.”

{ Ὁ δ᾿ Ἀνθεμίων, “νεανικὸν μέν,” ἔφη, “τὸ τόλμημα καὶ Λήμνιον ὡς ἀληθῶς, αὐτοὶ γάρ ἐσμεν, σφόδρ᾿ ἐρώσης γυναικός. … ἔοικε θεία τις ὄντως εἰληφέναι τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἐπίπνοια καὶ κρείττων ἀνθρωπίνου λογισμοῦ.” }

Others explained away Ismenodora’s violence against Bacchon:

Soclarus asked with a little smile, “Do you really think that it’s a case of kidnapping and rape? Isn’t it instead the plausible counter-stratagem of a sensible young man who has slipped from the clutches of his male lovers and deserted to the arms of a wealthy and beautiful woman?”

{ Καὶ ὁ Σώκλαρος ὑπομειδιῶν, “οἴει γὰρ ἁρπαγήν,” ἔφη, “γεγονέναι καὶ βιασμόν, οὐκ ἀπολόγημα Dκαὶ στρατήγημα νεανίσκου4 νοῦν ἔχοντος, ὅτι τὰς τῶν ἐραστῶν ἀγκάλας διαφυγὼν ἐξηυτομόληκεν εἰς χεῖρας καλῆς καὶ πλουσίας γυναικός” }

In short, Soclarus declared that Bacchon desired and arranged for himself to be kidnapped and (fake) raped. Today that would be regard as an outrageous claim, if he were a woman.[8] Supporters and opponents of Ismenodora’s action argued fiercely in front of her door. As a woman in gynocentric society, Ismenodora prevailed. After kidnapping Bacchon, she married him. She even publicly celebrated her marriage to him.

The widow Ismenodora loved Bacchon in the way of both Aphrodite and Eros. Love in the way of Aphrodite means sexual intercourse. In the ancient world, widows were regarded been desperately full of sexual desire. Ismenodora, however, didn’t merely desire the beautiful young man Bacchon for sex. She also loved him in the way of Eros. That means she regarded him as a beautiful person in body and mind, and she passionately desired an ongoing intimate relationship with him. In short, she wanted to marry him.

Ismenodora kidnapping and apparently raping Bacchon shows the power of love inspired by both Aphrodite and Eros. Plutarch didn’t regard Aphrodite (sexual desire) alone as sufficient to prompt major life choices:

Let us recognize that the work of Aphrodite, if Eros is not present, can be bought for a small amount of money. … Weak and easily sated is Aphrodite’s delight if Eros has not inspired it.

{ ὅτι τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τοὔργον ἔρωτος μὴ παρόντος ὤνιόν ἐστι δραχμῆς … ἀσθενὴς καὶ ἁψίκορός ἐστιν ἡ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης χάρις, Ἔρωτος μὴ ἐπιπνεύσαντος. }

Subtly undermining disparagement of men’s sexuality, Plutarch associated the (female) moon with Aphrodite and the (male) sun with Eros in a metaphor implying the feebleness of sexual intercourse without a passionate, ongoing relationship:

The moon is both earthly and heavenly, a place where the immortal is blended with the mortal. She is ineffective by herself, and she is without illumination when the sun is not shining on her, just as Aphrodite is nothing without the presence of Eros.

{ χθονία καὶ οὐρανία καὶ μίξεως χώρα τοῦ ἀθανάτου πρὸς τὸ θνητόν, ἀδρανὴς δὲ καθ᾿ ἑαυτὴν καὶ σκοτώδης ἡλίου μὴ προσλάμποντος, ὥσπερ Ἀφροδίτη μὴ παρόντος Ἔρωτος. }[9]

Love inspired by both Aphrodite and Eros can produce extraordinary acts. Camma of Galatia, with lengthy, sophisticated planning, killed the man who killed her husband. Empona of Gaul spent many nights in an underground cave with her husband when the Roman Emperor was persecuting him.[10] The powerful love of Camma and Empona — love inspired by both Eros and Aphrodite — seems to have been the type of love inspiring Ismenodora to kidnap and apparently rape Bacchon.

Kidnapping and rape should be regarded as serious wrongs even when the perpetrator is a woman and the victim is a man. Ismenodora kidnapped and apparently raped Bacchon within an ancient Greek society that strongly disfavored men marrying upwards in status and wealth. Women engaging in hypergamy, in contrast, typically isn’t a matter of social opprobrium. In addition to illustrating the power of love inspired by both Aphrodite and Eros, Ismenodora deserves credit for fostering public understanding of true gender equality.

* * * * *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] The story of Ismenodora and Bacchon exists only in Plutarch’s Moralia, Amatorius / Erotikos {Ἐρωτικός} / Dialogue on Love. All the details of the story above are from Amatorius. The story has realistic details. Ismenodora and Bacchon probably were actual persons. Tsouvala (2008) Chapter 2.

Verbal conversation over time created Ismenodora’s love for Bacchon. Her love for Bacchon wasn’t love at first sight, or love at any particular sight. Campos Daroca & Romero Mariscal (2020) pp. 75-7. Id. goes as far as to claim that Ismenodora had “complete disregard for the image of her beloved.” Id. p. 77. That claim isn’t warranted. Bacchon was widely regarded as physically beautiful. As soon as Ismenodora kidnapped Bacchon, she had him dressed in a wedding garment and arranged to marry him. Her first concern wasn’t to spend many weeks talking with him. She didn’t use words to allay his reluctance to marry her. She scarcely had time for many words with him before consummating her marriage to him. The whole of Amatorius includes no words from Bacchon or Ismenodora.

[2] Plutarch, Amatorius, section 2 (Stephanus 749E), Greek text and English translation (modified) from Minar, Sandbach & Helmbold (1961). For aid in reading the ancient Greek, Hayes & Nimis (2011). Characterizing Bacchon as “the beautiful man {ὁ καλός}” is similarly from Amatorius 2 (749A).

In the translation of Minar, Sandbach & Helmbold (1961), Ismenodora intended to be Bacchon’s “companion for life.” The Greek text specifies only marriage. Even in the ancient world, divorce might occur.

Ismenodora’s love for Bacchon prompts a dialogue on the relative merits of men loving women and older men loving young men. The same debate structures the pseudo-Lucian Erotes {Ἔρωτες} / Amores / Affairs of the Heart; Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon {Λευκιππην και Κλειτοφωντα} 2.35-38; and al-Jahiz, Inside, Outside & Back to Front / Risalah fi tafdil al-batn ‘ala al-zahr. The classical Arabic work is characteristically the most sexually oriented.

Plutarch’s Amatorius is set during the celebration of the Festivals of Eros / Erotidia {Ἐρωτίδεια} on Mount Helicon. The Erotidia, held every four years, celebrated Eros and the Muses. Mount Helicon was understood to be the home of the Muses. Thespiae, the principal city of Boeotia, was at the foot of Mount Helicon.

The dialogue of the Amatorius is plausibly set about 75 GC:

Flacelière 8–10 places composition of the Amatorius in the last ten years of Plutarch’s life and argues that he may have died as late as 127. Since the visit to Thespiae took place when Plutarch was first married and before the birth of his son (749b), and since Plutarch’s birth can be placed about 45 A.D., it is reasonable to set the occasion of the dialogue about 75 A.D.

Gutzwiller (2004) p. 404, n. 64. The text itself was probably written c. 120 GC and surely after the end of the Flavian dynasty in 96 GC. Georgiadou (2019) p. 280. On the social and historical context of the Amatorius, Tsouvala (2008).

Amatorius draws significantly on Plato’s Phaedrus and Symposium. But it develops an understanding of love significantly different from that of Plato. Brenk (2022).

All quotes from Plutarch’s Amatorius are similarly sourced. Subsequent quotes above are from Amatorius 2 (749E) (The situation itself appeared extraordinary…), 7 (752E-F) (I must say that the young man must beware…), 4 (750E) (You hate me? …), 9 (753D) (We know that many men have been abject slaves…), 9 (753D-E) (She grew to have such power and such contempt for him…), 9 (754B) (Through his self-control, wisdom…), 9 (754C-D) (Young persons find it difficult to fuse and blend well…), 9 (754D) (No one is without a ruler…), 10 (754E-755A) (Ismenodora was convinced…), 11 (755C-E) (Anthemion remarked…), 11 (755C-D) (Soclarus asked with a little smile…), 16 (759E) (Let us recognize that the work of Aphrodite…), 19 (764D) (The moon is both earthly and heavenly…).

[3] Modern scholars haven’t taken seriously Pisias’s sensible, contextually grounded concern about Ismenodora dominating Bacchon. Consider this interpretative approach:

Pisias feared that Ismenodora’s wealth and age will dominate and ultimately elide Bacchon’s sense of self, when the correct relation between husband and wife is precisely the opposite. In this sense, conjugality is a gendered status-relation of inferiority and submission.

Warren (2022) p. 137. As the Amatorius makes clear, conjugality for Plutarch wasn’t “a gendered status-relation of inferiority and submission.” That’s the “correct relation” not for Ismenodora and Bacchon, but only in a tedious, totalizing ideology of gender.

[4] Plutarch quotes these verses of tragic poetry. Their author or the play in which they were used isn’t known.

[5] For an alternate account of Semiramis, Diodorus Siculus, Historical Library / Bibliotheca historica {Βιβλιοθήκη Ἱστορική} 2.20.3ff. Semiramis is the title figure in a poem written in eleventh-century Rouen.

[6] Hipponax, Fragment 182, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from Gerber (1999). The text is apparently defective and discontinuous. My minor modifications try to make fairly fluent, plausible sense of the surviving Greek text.

[7] According to Plutarch’s son Autobulus, tension between Plutarch’s parents and his wife Timoxena’s parents brought the newly married Plutarch and Timoxena to the Erotidia:

A long time ago, before I was born, when my father had only recently married my mother, he rescued her from a dispute that had broken out between their parents. That dispute was so hotly contested that my father came here to sacrifice to Eros. He brought my mother to the festival. In fact, she herself was to make the prayer and the sacrifice.

{ Ὁ γὰρ πατήρ, ἐπεὶ πάλαι, πρὶν ἡμᾶς γενέσθαι, τὴν μητέρα νεωστὶ κεκομισμένος ἐκ τῆς γενόμένης τοῖς γονεῦσιν αὐτῶν διαφορᾶς καὶ στάσεως ἀφίκετο τῷ Ἔρωτι θύσων, ἐπὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἦγε τὴν μητέρα· καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἐκείνης ἡ εὐχὴ καὶ ἡ θυσία. }

Plutarch, Amatorius 2 (749B). Perhaps reflecting his personal experience, Plutarch is quite sensitivity to personal difficulties at the beginning of a marriage. He advised his friend Zeuxippus of Lacedaemon:

Do not, my dear Zeuxippus, be afraid of sharp pain that comes at the beginning of marriage. Don’t fear it as though it were a wound or a bite. And even if there’s a wound, it’s not terrible when the union is with a good woman. It’s like trees united though grafting.

{ Τὸ δ᾿ ἐμπαθὲς ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ δάκνον, ὦ μακάριε Ζεύξιππε, μὴ φοβηθῇς ὡς ἕλκος ἢ ὀδαξησμόν· καίτοι καὶ μεθ᾿ ἕλκους ἴσως οὐδὲν δεινὸν ὥσπερ τὰ δένδρα συμφυῆ γενέσθαι πρὸς γυναῖκα χρηστήν. }

Plutarch, Amatorius 24 (769E). Plutarch also explained:

Just as with the mixing of two liquids, love between a woman and man seems at first to cause some effervescence and agitation. Then the mixture, over time settling down and subsiding, produces the most stable disposition.

{ ὥσπερ ὑγρῶν πρὸς ἄλληλα συμπεσόντων ποιεῖν τινα δοκεῖ ζέσιν ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ τάραξιν ὁ Ἔρως, εἶτα χρόνῳ καταστὰς καὶ καθαιρεθεὶς τὴν βεβαιοτάτην διάθεσιν παρέσχεν. }

Plutarch, Amatorius 24 (769F). That metaphor seems to be figuratively autobiographical. It plausibly represents Plutarch’s view of his own marriage to Timoxena.

Amatorius also presents a abstract view of a good marriage:

a good marriage must be contracted between two sensible, capable individuals at the right stage of life, and it must be bound together by ties of mutual erotic attraction, which in turn foster philia and virtue.

Beneker (2008) p. 698.

[8] On hearing that Ismenodora had kidnapped Bacchon, Zeuxippus laughed and recited a verse from the tragic poet Euripides. Amatorius 11 (755B). Zeuxippus’s trivialization of Ismenodora’s crime represents a much more general social pattern.

In the ancient Homeric Hymn to Demeter, Hades abducted Persephone according to her father’s Zeus’s plan for Hades to marry her. Persephone’s mother Demeter was enraged at Hades’ abduction of Persephone. The Homeric Hymn to Demeter doesn’t indicated that Hades raped Persephone. Nonetheless, classicists commonly refer to Hades’s “rape” of Persephone. See note [1] in my post on Demeter’s rage.

Almost no classicists have taken seriously Soclarus’s implicit view that others within the story regard Ismenodora as having raped Bacchon. One even misread it to mean that Bacchon was kidnapped “though not against his will (755CD).” Georgiadou (2019) p. 286. Moreover, scholars don’t refer to the story of Ismenodora and Bacchon as “The Rape of Bacchon.” One scholar deserves credits for at least a parenthetical question:

Brenk (n. 4), 50, suggests that in the Amatorius ‘the dispute is largely decided by an exemplum’ (namely, first Ismenodora’s ‘kidnapping’ — or should we say ‘rape’, as in Rape of the Sabines? [she certainly gets his cloak off pretty fast, 755A] — then the wedding itself).

Rist (2001) p. 575, n. 48. Brenk elsewhere noted ‘the importance of the literary “frame” of Ismenodora’s “rape” of Bacchon.’ Brenk (1988) p. 461. Brenk then betrayed the moral seriousness of rape by ignoring Ismenodora’s apparent rape of Bacchon. He, however, worried that study of women and sexuality “risks betrayal in male hands.” Id. Classicists refusing to recognized men being raped reflects much more general social injustice against men in defining crimes.

Classicists’ treatment of gender has been grotesquely gender-biased. Classicists have considered at length whether Plutarch adheres to feminism, or was a precursor to feminism. “Plutarch’s attitudes to women foreshadow some of the most essential aspects of modern feminism.” Nikolaidis (1997) p. 88. However, Plutarch shows “incomplete feminism.” Kondo (2024). In contrast to such gynocentric analysis, classicists have ignored gender injustices against men and have refused to consider how to improve men’s social position.

[9] Ancient Roman religion associated the female divinity Luna and the male divinity Sol with the moon and sun, respectively. Early Christians associated the sun with Jesus and the moon with Mary, the mother of Jesus.

Plutarch disparaged both sexless marriages and emotionally frigid marriages:

So marriage is to be a loveless union, devoid of god-given friendship! Yet we observe that an alliance, when erotic persuasion and charm have departed, can scarcely be held together by yokes and bridles of shame and fear.

{ ἀλλὰ τοῖς γάμοις ἀνέραστον ἐπάγων καὶ ἄμοιρον ἐνθέου φιλίας κοινωνίαν, ἣν τῆς ἐρωτικῆς πειθοῦς καὶ χάριτος ἀπολιπούσης μονονοὺ ζυγοῖς καὶ χαλινοῖς ὑπ᾿ αἰσχύνης καὶ φόβου μάλα μόλις συνεχομένην ὁρῶμεν. }

Amatorius 5 (752C-D). Medieval Christianity attached such great importance to sex within marriage that it developed doctrines concerning “conjugal debt,” meaning spouses’ obligation to have sex with each other.

In Plutarch’s view, sexual intercourse alone was a matter of only temporary pleasure:

And regarding those appetites for women, however well they are realized, they have for net gain only an accrual of pleasure in the enjoyment of a ripe physical beauty. To this Aristippus bore witness when he replied to the man who denounced Laïs to him for not loving him. He didn’t imagine, he said, that wine or fish loved him either, yet he partook of both with pleasure.

{ ταῖς δὲ πρὸς γυναῖκας ἐπιθυμίαις ταύταις, ἂν ἄριστα πέσωσιν, ἡδονὴν περίεστι καρποῦσθαι καὶ ἀπόλαυσιν ὥρας καὶ σώματος, ὡς ἐμαρτύρησεν Ἀρίστιππος, τῷ κατηγοροῦντι Λαΐδος πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς οὐ φιλούσης ἀποκρινάμενος ὅτι καὶ τὸν οἶνον οἴεται καὶ τὸν ἰχθὺν μὴ φιλεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾿ ἡδέως ἑκατέρῳ χρῆται. }

Amatorius 4 (750D-E). Plutarch further explained:

Sexual intercourse without Eros is like hunger and thirst, which can be sated, but never achieve a noble end. With Eros the goddess Aphrodite removes the cloying effect of pleasure and creates affection and fusion.

{ ἀνέραστος γὰρ ὁμιλία καθάπερ πεῖνα καὶ δίψα πλησμονὴν ἔχουσα πέρας εἰς οὐδὲν ἐξικνεῖται καλόν· ἀλλ᾿ ἡ θεὸς Ἔρωτι τὸν κόρον ἀφαιροῦσα τῆς ἡδονῆς φιλότητα ποιεῖ καὶ σύγκρασιν. }

Amatorius 13 (756E).

[10] On Camma of Galatia, Amatorius 22 (768B-D). Plutarch provides a more elaborate account of Camma at Moralia, Bravery of Women / Mulierum Virtutes 20 (257E-258C). Plutarch’s story of Camma reappears in Polyaenus, Strategemata 8.39. On Empona of Gaul, Amatorius 25 (770D-771C). On Plutarch’s use of love stories and his possible literary influence on Apuleius, Costantini (2018).

[images] (1) Mummy portrait of a wealthy women from Fayum, Egypt, early in the second century GC. The woman is wearing earrings and a necklace containing pearls and emeralds. Preserved as accession # 32.5 in The Walters Art Museum (Baltimore, USA). Credit: Acquired by Henry Walters, 1912. With admirable public spirit, the Walters supplied the source image with a Creative Commons Zero license.

(2) Mummy portrait of a young man from Egypt about 190-210 GC. The young man apparently has a surgical cut under his right eye. Preserved as object # 09.181.4 in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, USA). Credit: Rogers Fund, 1909. With admirable public spirit, The Met dedicated the source image to the public domain. I have made minor, non-substantive modifications to the background of the face.

References:

Beneker, Jeffrey. 2008. “Plutarch on the Role of Eros in a Marriage.” Pp. 689-699 in Anastasios G. Nikolaides, ed. The Unity of Plutarch’s Work: Moralia Themes in the Lives, Features of the Lives in the Moralia. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.

Brenk, Frederick E. 1988. “Plutarch’s Erotikos: The Drag down Pulled Up.” Illinois Classical Studies. 13 (2): 457–71.

Brenk, Frederick E. 2022. “Plutarch: Expanding the Horizons of Platonic Love. ” Chapter 5 (pp. 83-110) in Carl Sean O’Brien and John M. Dillon. Platonic Love from Antiquity to the Renaissance. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Campos Daroca, Javier, and Lucía P. Romero Mariscal. “At First Sight or by Words of Mouth. Experiencing Love in Plutarch’s Amatorius and the Novel.” Pp. 71-80 in Josep Antoni Clúa Serena, ed. Mythologica Plutarchea: Estudios Sobre Los Mitos En Plutarco: XIII Simposio Internacional de La Sociedad Española de Plutarquistas (Universidad de Lleida, 4-5-6 de Octubre de 2018). Madrid: Ediciones Clásicas.

Costantini, Leonardo. 2018. “Love Stories as a Narrative Trope in Plutarch’s Amatoriae Narrationes and Mulierum Virtutes, and Apuleius’ Metamorphoses 7 and 8.” Rivista di Filologia e di Istruzione Classica. 146 (2): 489–504.

Gerber, Douglas E, ed and trans. 1999. Archilochus, Semonides, Hipponax. Greek Iambic Poetry: From the Seventh to the Fifth Centuries BC. Loeb Classical Library 259. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Georgiadou, Aristoula. 2019. “Marriage, Cult and City in Plutarch’s Erotikos.” Chapter 17 (pp. 280-294) in Delfim Ferreira Leão and Lautaro Roig Lanzillotta, eds. A Man of Many Interests: Plutarch on Religion, Myth, and Magic: Essays in Honor of Aurelio Pérez Jiménez. Leiden: Brill.

Gutzwiller, Kathryn J. 2004. “Gender and Inscribed Epigram: Herennia Procula and the Thespian Eros.” Transactions of the American Philological Association. 134 (2): 383–418.

Hayes, Evan, and Stephen A. Nimis. 2011. Plutarch’s Dialogue on Love: An Intermediate Greek Reader. Oxford, OH: Faenum Publishing. Alternate source. Review by Thomas R. Keith.

Kondo, Tomohiko. 2024. “Incomplete Feminisms of Plutarch and Musonius Rufus.” Chapter 24 (pp. 352-365) in Katarzyna Jazdzewska and Filip Doroszewskim eds. Plutarch and His Contemporaries: Sharing the Roman Empire. Leiden: Brill.

Minar, Edwin L., F. H. Sandbach, and W. C. Helmbold, ed. and trans. 1961. Plutarch. Moralia, Volume IX: Table-Talk, Books 7-9. Dialogue on Love. Loeb Classical Library 425. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Nikolaidis, Anastasios G. 1997. “Plutarch on Women and Marriage.” Wiener Studien. 110: 27–88.

Rist, John M. 2001. “Plutarch’s Amatorius: A Commentary on Plato’s Theories of Love?” The Classical Quarterly. 51 (2): 557–75.

Tsouvala, Georgia. 2008. The Social and Historical Context of Plutarch’s Erotikos. Ph.D. Thesis, City University of New York.

Warren, Lunette. 2022. Like a Captive Bird: Gender and Virtue in Plutarch. Ann Arbor, MI: Lever Press. Review by Lien Van Geel.

missing Persephone, raging Demeter sought to exterminate humanity

The eminent warrior Achilles raged at King Agamemnon for taking for himself Achilles’s beloved concubine Briseis. Achilles’s anger, wrath, and rage transformed the Trojan War.[1] Nonetheless, the goddess Demeter raged much more devastatingly at the god Zeus for arranging for their daughter Persephone to marry Hades. For that perceived relational wrong, Demeter sought to demean the immortal divinities or exterminate humanity. Classical scholars with their deeply entrenched misunderstanding of gender tend to ignore Demeter’s anger and instead emphasize her motherly grief. Demeter’s anger, wrath, and rage, as well as that of women and goddesses more generally, deserve to be better appreciated.

Hades abducting Persephone

Demeter hid her anger, wrath, and rage about Hades abducting Persephone for marriage. After Persephone’s abduction, Demeter assumed the character of a barren old woman and wandered to Eleusis. There she became the nurse to Demophon, son of Queen Metaneira and King Keleos of Eleusis. Demeter seemed to be a kindly old woman. She promised Metaneira she would take good care of Demophon:

Be joyful, woman, and may the gods give you blessings.
As for your little boy, I will gladly take him, as you request.
I will rear him, and I don’t expect that by any negligence of his nurse
a supernatural visitation or cutter of roots will harm him.
I know a powerful counter-cutter to beat the herb-cutter,
and I know a good inhibitor of baneful pestilence.

{ καὶ σύ, γύναι, μάλα χαῖρε, θεοὶ δέ τοι ἐσθλὰ πόροιεν.
παῖδα δέ τοι πρόφρων ὑποδέξομαι, ὥς με κελεύεις·
θρέψω, κοὔ μιν, ἔολπα, κακοφραδίηισι τιθήνης
οὔτ᾿ ἄρ᾿ ἐπηλυσίη δηλήσεται οὔθ᾿ ὑποτάμνων·
οἶδα γὰρ ἀντίτομον μέγα φέρτερον ὑλοτόμοιο,
οἶδα δ᾿ ἐπηλυσίης πολυπήμονος ἐσθλὸν ἐρυσμόν. }[2]

Demeter nourished Demophon with ambrosia. At night she placed him within the hearth’s fire. His parents marveled, because “as he continually bloomed, he was like the gods in appearance {ὡς προθαλὴς τελέθεσκε, θεοῖσι δὲ ἄντα ἐώικει}.” Demeter in fact was making Demophon “ageless and immortal {ἀγήρως καί ἀθάνατος}.” Making a mortal into an immortal would challenge the privileged position of Zeus and the other immortal divinities.

Queen Metaneira unknowingly aborted Demophon becoming immortal. One night Metaneira saw Demeter placing him in the fire. Metaneira was alarmed and cried out:

Demophon, my child! The strange woman is hiding you
in the blazing fire! That is causing me grief and mournful anguish!

{ τέκνον Δημοφόων, ξείνη σε πυρὶ ἔνι πολλῶι
κρύπτει, ἐμοὶ δὲ γόον καὶ κήδεα λυγρὰ τίθησιν. }

Metaneira’s words angered Demeter. She took Demophon out of the fire and put him on the floor.[3] Then she castigated Queen Metaneira:

Ignorant and foolish humans unable to recognize
the difference between future good or ill.
And you are one of them irremediably misled by your folly!

{ νήϊδες ἄνθρωποι καὶ ἀφράδμονες οὔτ᾿ ἀγαθοῖο
αἶσαν ἐπερχομένου προγνώμεναι οὔτε κακοῖο·
καὶ σὺ γὰρ ἀφραδίηισι τεῆις νήκεστον ἀάσθης. }

Dropping her disguise, Demeter then declared her true name. Calling herself the greatest good to mortals and immortals, she instructed Queen Metaneira to have all the people of Eleusis build a huge temple for her. She said she would then instruct the people how to perform sacred rites pleasing to her.[4] Demeter’s anger at Zeus seems to have been temporarily redirected at Metaneira and the people of Eleusis.

Roman marble statue of Demeter standing

When the people of Eleusis instituted proper worship of Demeter, she directed her anger back at Zeus. She sat in her new temple at Eleusis and shunned the other immortals. To further hurt them, she acted to exterminate humanity:

She made the most terrible year for all mortals across the
nurturing earth, a most grievous year. The earth did not sprout
any seed, for fair-garlanded Demeter suppressed the seed.
Many oxen dragged curved plows over the fields, all in vain.
Many white barley seeds fell into the soil, all in vain.
Indeed, she would have destroyed humanity altogether
by grievous famine, thus depriving the immortal
dwellers of Olympus of their honors and sacrificial food.

{ αἰνότατον δ᾿ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐπὶ χθόνα πουλυβότειραν
ποίησ᾿ ἀνθρώποις καὶ κύντατον· οὐδέ τι γαῖα
σπέρμ᾿ ἀνίει· κρύπτεν γὰρ ἐϋστέφανος Δημήτηρ·
πολλὰ δὲ καμπύλ᾿ ἄροτρα μάτην βόες εἷλκον ἀρούραις,
πολλὸν δὲ κρῖ λευκὸν ἐτώσιον ἔμπεσε γαίηι.
καί νύ κε πάμπαν ὄλεσσε γένος μερόπων ἀνθρώπων
λιμοῦ ὕπ᾿ ἀργαλέης, γεράων τ᾿ ἐρικυδέα τιμήν
καὶ θυσιῶν ἤμερσεν Ὀλύμπια δώματ᾿ ἔχοντας }

If Zeus wanted to exterminate humanity, he would kill them all directly with thunderbolts and storms. Indirect aggression is more characteristic of goddesses and women. Demeter sought to exterminate humanity through famine in order to deprive Zeus and all the other gods, including herself, of offerings from humans. Although scarcely expressed and motivating only indirect aggression, Demeter’s devastating rage didn’t even spare herself.

Noticing Demeter’s anger, wrath, and rage, all-knowing Zeus did whatever was necessary to mollify her. First he sent the goddess Iris to beg Demeter to come to Olympus. Demeter refused to come. Zeus then sent other immortals who offered Demeter gifts and honors if she would rejoin the divinities on Olympus. Demeter again refused to join the other immortals. Finally, Zeus sent Hermes to bring Persephone back from the Underworld. Hermes explained to Hades the urgent need:

Sable-haired Hades, lord of the dead,
Zeus the Father has ordered me to bring illustrious Persephone
back from the dark Underworld to those above, so that her mother
may set eyes on her and cease from her wrath and terrifying rage
against the immortals. For Demeter is intending a grave deed —
to destroy the feeble tribes of earth-born humans
by keeping the seed hidden under the soil. She thus would destroy
tribute to the immortals. Her wrath is terrifying. She refuses
to mingle with the gods, but stays apart, seated inside
her fragrant temple occupying Eleusis’s rugged citadel.

{ Ἅιδη κυανοχαῖτα καταφθιμένοισιν ἀνάσσων,
Ζεύς με πατὴρ ἤνωγεν ἀγαυὴν Περσεφόνειαν
ἐξαγαγεῖν Ἐρέβεσφι μετὰ σφέας, ὄφρα ἑ μήτηρ
ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἰδοῦσα χόλου καὶ μήνιος αἰνῆς
ἀθανάτοις λήξειεν· ἐπεὶ μέγα μήδεται ἔργον,
φθεῖσαι φῦλ᾿ ἀμενηνὰ χαμαιγενέων ἀνθρώπων
σπέρμ᾿ ὑπὸ γῆς κρύπτουσα, καταφθινύθουσα δὲ τιμάς
ἀθανάτων. ἣ δ᾿ αἰνὸν ἔχει χόλον, οὐδὲ θεοῖσιν
μίσγεται, ἀλλ᾿ ἀπάνευθε θυώδεος ἔνδοθι νηοῦ
ἧσται, Ἐλευσῖνος κραναὸν πτολίεθρον ἔχουσα. }

Less strong-willed than Demeter, Hades readily agreed to having his beloved Persephone taken away from him and brought to her mother Demeter in Eleusis. Zeus assented to having Persephone spend two-thirds of the year with her mother Demeter and one-third of the year with her husband Hades.[5] That arrangement mollified Demeter. No longer in rage seeking to exterminate humanity, she enabled crops to grow.

Persephone returning from the Underworld with Hermes to Demeter

Goddesses and women deserve to be well-recognized for their devastating anger, wrath, and rage. In the ancient Greek-speaking world, a poet begin a hymn to Demeter in a telling way:

Sing, goddess, the wrath of Demeter of the splendid fruit.

{ Μῆνιν ἄειδε, θεά, Δημήτερος ἀγλαοκάρπου }[6]

That verse adapts the opening line of the Homeric Iliad:

Sing, goddess, the wrath of Achilles, son of Peleus.

{ Μῆνιν ἄειδε, θεά, Πηληιάδεω Ἀχιλῆος }[7]

Achilles’s anger, wrath, and rage has been recognized as “the demonic destructive power of a justified curse.” Demeter’s anger, wrath, and rage, in contrast, was arguably less justified and certainly more potentially destructive.[8] Moreover, Demeter’s rage follows the pattern of goddesses’ cosmos-ordering rage. For example, Zeus feared the wrath of the goddess Thetis, mother of Achilles. Hera controlled Zeus, and in her rages manipulated mortals’ fate. Many men have long regarded beloved mortal women to be goddesses, and men are justifiably wary of criticizing women. The anger, wrath, and rage of women and goddesses shape the world.

In contrast to assertions of gender supremacists, women and goddesses are equal to men and gods in propensity to anger, wrath, and rage. Women and goddess, however, are more socially adept in self-presentation and more skilled in indirect aggression. In addition, women and goddess have been unfairly deprived of credit for their anger, wrath, and rage. The rage of Achilles as represented in the Iliad has been enormously influential. The rage of Demeter deserves to be equally well known.

* * * * *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] In this post, anger, wrath, and rage refer to the Homeric Greek word μῆνις (transliterated as mênis) and closely related Homeric Greek words. For detailed philological study of μῆνις in relation to Achilles as represented in the Iliad, Muellner (1996). The book summary in the online version of Meullner’s book states:

He believes that notions of anger vary between cultures and that the particular meaning of a word such as menis needs to emerge from a close study of Greek epic. Menis means more than an individual’s emotional response. On the basis of the epic exemplifications of the word, Muellner defines the term as a cosmic sanction against behavior that violates the most basic rules of human society.

For all his close study of Homeric Greek, Muellner repeatedly asserts that Hades rapes Persephone in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. See, e.g. Muellner (1996) p. 34. That’s philologically incorrect. See note [1] in my post on Iambe / Baubo cheering Demeter.

Hades lustfully abducting naked Persephone

While carelessly and expansively using the term rape in relation to males victimizing females, Muellner focuses on the benefits of females victimizing males:

What has aroused Demeter’s mênis is the forceful (βίῃ), unwilling (ἀέκουσα), and inescapable (ἀναγκῃ) removal of her divine daughter (κούρη) from the surface of the earth to the world below. In contrast to the passionate upward thrust of the mortal warrior or the insubordinate Ares, and in contrast to the uplifting, willing seduction of mortal men by goddesses, the offensive, dangerous act here is unwilled and downward in the cosmic hierarchy: not a man’s seduction but a maiden’s rape, not the immortalization of a mortal but the relegation of an immortal to the land of the dead.

Muellner (1996) p. 25. Careful attention to the meaning of the word “rape” and concern to avoid gender bias in asserting that felony crime are a particularly important matter of social justice given the vastly gender disproportionate imprisonment of men.

Trivializing the actual central meaning of the word “rape” in current English language and current criminal law, Sowa redefines it to discuss the motif of “Rape” in relation to the Homeric hymns:

Rape, as we shall use the term, describes a violent abduction often carried out for sexual purposes.

Sowa (1984) p. 121. Personally redefining words to align them with prevailing anti-men gender bigotry in interpreting ancient Greek literature is bad philology. Hades violently abducted Persephone, with the consent of her father Zeus, in order to marry her. Marriage is much broader than a “sexual purpose.” As for violent abduction, men taken captive in war and other hostilities are never considered under a specially defined “Rape” motif. Many scholars, artists, and writers have uncritically followed bigoted assertions about the “Rape” of Persephone. See, e.g. Ginevra (2020).

Hades sexually assaulting Persephone

[2] Homeric Hymn to Demeter (Homeric Hymns 2, To Demeter {Εισ Δημητραν}), vv. 225-30, ancient Greek text and English translation (modified) from West (2003). Alternate English translations are those of Nagy (2018), Rayor (2004), Shelmerdine (1995), Foley (1994) and Evelyn-White (1914). Subsequent quotes from the Homeric Hymn to Demeter are similarly sourced.

In Egypt, Demeter was associated with the goddess Isis. In Latin literature, Demeter became associated with Ceres, and Hades and Persephone became Pluto / Dis and Proserpina.

Daughters of King Keleus of Eleusis told the disguised Demeter the names of the nominally leading men of Eleusis. These princesses knowingly declared women’s control:

The wives of all of them manage the houses.

{ τῶν πάντων ἄλοχοι κατὰ δώματα πορσαίνουσιν }

Homeric Hymn to Demeter v. 156. The houses seem to refer to royal residences in the past and religious temples in the present. Nagy (2018) n. 12. In any case, women controlled the core of ordinary life.

Subsequent quotes above from the Homeric Hymn to Demeter are vv. 241 (as he continually bloomed…), 242 (ageless and immortal), 248-9 (Demophon, my child…), 256-8 (Ignorant and foolish humans…), 305-12 (She made the most terrible year…), 347-56 (Sable-haired Hades, lord of the dead…).

[3] A similar story immortalizing / abusing a child developed in relation to the goddess Thetis, her son Achilles, and his father Peleus. See note [3] and related text in my post on Achilles and his foster-father Chiron.

[4] Demeter stated that her temple should be built in Eleusis:

above Kallichoron on a prominent hill

{ Καλλιχόρου καθύπερθεν ἐπὶ προύχοντι κολωνῶι· }

Homeric Hymn to Demeter v 272. Καλλιχόρου literally means “beautiful dancing.” Pausanias reported:

The Eleusinians have a temple of Triptolemus, of Artemis of the Portal, and of Poseidon Father, and a well called Kallichoron, where the Eleusinian women first danced and sang in praise of the goddess.

{ Ἐλευσινίοις δὲ ἔστι μὲν Τριπτολέμου ναός, ἔστι δὲ Προπυλαίας Ἀρτέμιδος καὶ Ποσειδῶνος Πατρός, φρέαρ τε καλούμενον Καλλίχορον, ἔνθα πρῶτον Ἐλευσινίων αἱ γυναῖκες χορὸν ἔστησαν καὶ ᾖσαν ἐς τὴν θεόν. }

Pausanias, Description of Greece 1.17.2 (Attica), ancient Greek text and English translation (modified slightly) from Jones (1918). Demeter could thus look down on women dancing in her praise.

The Homeric Hymn to Demeter, v. 154, refers to Eumolpus {Εὔμολπος}. He was known as one of Demeter’s first priests and a founder of the Eleusinian Mysteries. Eumolpus means literally “he who sings well.” In a cult context, singing well also implies dancing well. On Eumolpus, Nagy (2018) n. 12. Dancing, which both men and women did, was of central importance in ancient Greece.

[5] According to the hymn singer / narrator, before Hermes took Persephone away, Hades surreptitiously “gave her a honeysweet pomegranate seed to eat {ῥοιῆς κόκκον ἔδωκε φαγεῖν μελιηδέα λάθρηι}.” Homeric Hymn to Demeter, v. 372. Verses 387-40, which are significantly damaged in the sole surviving manuscript, apparently have Demeter saying fearfully that if Persephone ate any of Hades’s food, then she has to stay with him one-third of the year. Persephone then told her mother Demeter:

He put into me a pomegranate seed, honey-sweet food,
and forced me to eat it unwillingly.

{ ἔμβαλέ μοι ῥοιῆς κόκκον, μελιηδέ᾿ ἐδωδήν,
ἅκουσαν δὲ βίηι με προσηνάγκασσε πάσασθαι. }

Homeric Hymn to Demeter, vv. 372, 412-3. Honey-sweet pomegranate seeds historically were associated with fertility and marriage. Bezzant, (2019), which has a forced interpretation of the evidence.

Persephone saying that she was forced to eat the pomegranate seed deflects to Hades full responsibility for Persephone spending a third of the year in the Underworld. Ancient audiences surely would have had some doubt about Persephone’s claim of being forced to eat the pomegranate seed. Clay (1989) pp. 256-7. On the implicit audience, Hendriksma (2019). Id. follows anti-meninist orthodoxy in wrongly claiming that the Homeric Hymn to Demeter includes Hades raping Persephone.

[6] From Orphic Fragment / Orphicorum Fragmenta 48 in Kern (1922), English translation from Nickel (2003) p. 59. Fragment preserved in pseudo-Justin Martyr, Exhortation to the Greeks / Cohortatio ad Graecos {Λόγος παραινέτικος πρὸς Ἕλληνας} 17.1 (from the fourth century GC). The epithet “of splendid fruit {ἀγλαόκαρπος}” is used for Demeter in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, v. 4.

Orphic hymns probably from the third century GC praise Demeter and plead to her. See Orphic hymns 40 and 41 in Athanassakis & Wolkow (2013). Mentioning Demeter’s rage in such hymns would be incongruous. Orphic Fragment 48 might come from much older Orphic poetry. On the ancient Orphic tradition, West (1983).

[7] Homer, Iliad 1.1, ancient Greek text and my English translation. “Rage — Goddess, sing the rage of Peleus’ son Achilles” is the translation of Fagles (1990). On the proem to the Iliad, Redfield (1979). The Chryses episode that takes up much of Book 1 of the Iliad might have been adapted from a preexisting Homeric hymn to Apollo. Faraone (2015). On parallels between Chryses and Demeter, Nickel (2003) pp. 73-4.

[8] The short quote “the demonic destructive power of a justified curse” is from Redfield (1979) p. 97. Demeter raged at Persephone’s father Zeus depriving Demeter of Persephone’s company. Such changes in child custody typically aren’t regarded as an acute wrong. Moreover, arranged marriages of various types and changes in household residence have been common for daughters and sons throughout history and across cultures. For example, in the first half of the fourth century BGC, Erinna lamented that her friend Baucis’s marriage brought forgetfulness:

When you went to a man’s bed, you forgot all
that you heard as a child from your mother,
dear Baucis. Aphrodite set forgetfulness in your heart.
Because of this, weeping for you, I leave behind other things.

{ ἁνίκα δ’ ἐς [λ]έξος [ἀνδρός ἔβας, τ]όκα πάντ’ ἐλέσασο
ἄσσ’ ἔτι νηπιάσα[σα] τ[εᾶς παρὰ] ματρὸς ἄκουσας,
Β]αῦκι φίλα· λάθα[ν ἄρ’] ἐ[νὶ φρεσὶ θῆκ’] Ἀφροδίτα.
τῶ τυ κατακλαίοισα τὰ [κάδεα νῦν] παραλείπω· }

Erinna, Distaff {Αλακατα} vv. 15-18, ancient Greek text ed. pr. Vitelli-Norsa, Papiri Greci e Latini, ix. 1929, no. 1090, English translation (modified) from Page (1941) p. 489. For a closer, more complete translation of the Distaff, as well as Erinna’s surviving epigrams, Rayor (1991) pp. 121-4. Freely available online are more interpretative translations by Josephine Balmer and by Michael R. Burch. Erinna’s circumstances were similar to Demeter’s, but Erinna apparently didn’t seek to exterminate humanity.

The story pattern of Demeter in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter is similar to the story pattern of Achilles in the Iliad: “the same story pattern – wrath, withdrawal, and return – serves as the principal organizational device of each poem’s narrative.” Nickel (2003) p. 59. For less extensive and less detailed analysis of the commonalities, Lord (1967) and Sowa (1984) Chapter 4.

[images] (1) Hades abducting Persephone. Painting on an Apulian red-figure volute-krater. Painted c. 340 BGC by the circle of the Darius Painter. Krater preserved as accession # Inv. 1984.40 in the Altes Museum (Berlin, Germany). Source image thanks to Bibi Saint-Pol and Wikimedia Commons.

(2) Roman marble statue of Demeter standing, with restored head. Preserved as Inv. 8546, Ludovisi Collection, in Museo nazionale romano di palazzo Altemps (Rome, Italy). Source image thanks to Marie-Lan Nguyen and Wikimedia Commons.

(3) Persephone returning from the Underworld with Hermes to Demeter. Painting on a terracotta bell-krater. Painted c. 440 BGC and attributed to the Persephone Painter. Preserved as object number 28.57.23 in the Metropolitan Museum (New York, USA). Credit line: Fletcher Fund, 1928. Alternate image.

(4) Hades lustfully abducting naked Persephone. This watercolor painting is titled “Nouvelle Mythologie Amoureuse {New Love Mythology}.” Painted by Gerda Wegener and published in the review Le Sourire, July 6, 1933. Source image via Wikimedia Commons. Numerous paintings from the early modern period to the present present the myth of the “Rape of Persephone.” See, for example, such a painting by Peter Paul Rubens.

(5) Hades sexually assaulting the naked Persephone. Print by Giovanni Jacopo Caraglio, based on the design of Rosso Fiorentino, as part of his collection Gli Amori Degli Dei {The Loves of the Gods}, printed c. 1527. Source image via Wikimedia Commons. Alternate image. On Caraglio’s Loves of the Gods, Turner (2007).

References:

Athanassakis, Apostolos N., and Benjamin M. Wolkow, trans. 2013. The Orphic Hymns. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

Bezzant, Makayla. 2019. “Pomegranate Imagery: A Symbol of Conquest and Victory.” Studia Antiqua. 18 (1): 9-15.

Clay, Jenny Strauss. 1989. The Politics of Olympus: Form and Meaning in the Major Homeric Hymns. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press. Review by Christian Werner.

Evelyn-White, Hugh G. 1914. The Homeric Hymns and Homerica. London: William Heinemann Ltd.

Fagles, Robert, trans. and Bernard Knox, intro. and notes. 1990. The Iliad. New York, N.Y., U.S.A.: Viking.

Faraone, Christopher A. 2015. “On the Eve of Epic: Did the Chryses Episode in Iliad I Begin Its Life as a Separate Homeric Hymn?” Chapter 15 (pp. 397-428) in Ilya Kliger and Boris Maslov, eds. 2015. Persistent Forms: Explorations in Historical Poetics. New York, NY: Fordham University Press.

Foley, Helene P. 1994. The Homeric Hymn to Demeter: Translation, Commentary, and Interpretive Essays. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Review by William Thalmann.​

Ginevra, Riccardo. 2020. “The Poetics of Distress, the Rape of the Heavenly Maiden, and the Most Ancient Sleeping Beauty: Oralistic, Linguistic, and Comparative Perspectives on the (Pre-)Historical Development of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter.” Center for Hellenic Studies (CHS) Research Bulletin 8.

Hendriksma, Judith A. 2019. Text and Context: The Narrative Audience of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter and the Cult at Eleusis. RMA Thesis, Utrecht University.

Jones, W. H. S., ed. and trans. 1918. Pausanias. Description of Greece. Volume I: Books 1-2. Loeb Classical Library 93. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Kern, Otto. 1922. Orphicorum Fragmenta. Berolini Apud Weidmannos.

Lord, Mary Louise. 1967. “Withdrawal and Return: An Epic Story Pattern in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter and in the Homeric Poems.” The Classical Journal. 62 (6): 241–48.

Muellner, Leonard Charles. 1996. The Anger of Achilles: Mênis in Greek Epic. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. Alternate source. Review by Michael Lynn-George.

Nagy, Gregory. 2018. “Homeric Hymn to Demeter.” Online at The Center for Hellenic Studies.

Nickel, Roberto. 2003. “The Wrath of Demeter: Story Pattern in the Hymn to Demeter.” Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica. 73 (1): 59–82.

Page, Denys L., trans. 1941. Select Papyri, Volume III: Poetry. Loeb Classical Library 360. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Rayor, Diane J. 1991. Sappho’s Lyre: Archaic Lyric and Women Poets of Ancient Greece. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Rayor, Diane J. 2004. The Homeric Hymns: A Translation with Introduction and Notes. Updated edition, 2014. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Rayor’s translation of the Homeric Hymn to Demeter (Homeric Hymns 2). Review by Stephen Evans.

Redfield, James. 1979. “The Proem of the Iliad: Homer’s Art.” Classical Philology. 74 (2): 95–110.

Shelmerdine, Susan C., trans. 1995. The Homeric Hymns. Newburyport, MA: Focus Information Group. Review by Ingrid Holmberg.

Sowa, Cora Angier. 1984. Traditional Themes and the Homeric Hymns. Chicago: Bolchazy-Carducci. Excerpts.

Turner, James Grantham. 2007. “Caraglio’s Loves of the Gods.” Print Quarterly. 24 (4): 359–80.

West, Martin L. 1983. The Orphic Poems. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

West, Martin L., ed. and trans. 2003. Homeric Hymns. Homeric Apocrypha. Lives of Homer. Loeb Classical Library 496. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Review by R. Garner.