Awhad al-Zamān’s rise: status dynamics in 12th-century Baghdad

In twelfth-century Mesopotamia, Awhad al-Zamān moved from his small town to Baghdad.  He sought to study there with a prominent physician-teacher who had many students.  Those choices signal high ambition.  Since Awhad al-Zamān was a Jew, he lived in the Jewish quarter of Baghdad and faced anti-Jewish prejudice among the Islamic elite who ruled Baghdad.  In particular, the distinguished teacher of medicine with whom Awhad al-Zamān sought to study refused to accept Jewish students.  Awhad al-Zamān sought through all possible means to gain a place under the teacher.  The teacher refused to accept him.[1]  Prejudice against Jews in twelfth-century Baghdad thus formally blocked Awhad al-Zamān’s personal advancement.

Following the fabulistic plot of a humble student earnestly seeking knowledge, Awhad al-Zamān got a position with the teacher’s doorman. During the teacher’s lessons, Awhad al-Zamān sat in the antechamber.  He carefully listened and memorized the teacher’s lessons.  After about a year, Awhad al-Zamān heard the teacher’s students struggling unsuccessfully to solve a problem that the teacher had presented to them.  That was Awhad al-Zamān’s opportunity:

he entered and humbled himself in front of the Shaikh {teacher}, saying: “O my master, with your permission I shall speak on this problem.” The Shaikh replied: “Speak, if you have anything to say.” He answered the question with Galen’s words, adding: “O my master, this question arose on such and such a day, of such a month, in such a year, and has stayed in my mind ever since.” The Shaikh was astonished by his intelligence and memory, and asked where he was studying. Abū al-Barakāt {another name for Awhad al-Zamān} told him, and he said: “We cannot refuse knowledge to one in his situation.” From then on he became more and more closely attached to him until he became one of his preferred students. [2]

This story teaches that earnest desire for knowledge trumps low social status.

Awhad al-Zamān sought social status as well as knowledge.  His learning won for him many students and access to the Caliph.  However, one day when he visited the Caliph, the Chief Justice did not stand for him as he entered, as others did.  The Chief Justice did not stand because he was a Muslim, and Awhad al-Zamān, a Jew, was legally inferior to him.  Awhad al-Zamān declared to the Caliph:

O Emir of the Faithful, if the reason for the Chief Justice’s behavior is the fact that I am not of the same faith as he is, let me convert to Islam in front of my master, in order not to give him the chance of underestimating me for being a Jew.[3]

Thus Awhad al-Zamān became a Muslim.  This story teaches that knowledge isn’t sufficient for high social status.

While Awhad al-Zamān strove to capitalize on his conversion from Jew to Muslim, it wasn’t sufficient to secure him against the wits of his rivals.  One of those rivals was Amīn al-Dawlah ibn al-Tilmīdh, an elite physician and a Christian.  The rivalry of Awhad al-Zamān and Amīn al-Dawlah played across religious identifications:

After his conversion to Islam, Awhad al-Zamān used to shun the Jews and curse and slander them vehemently. One day, the matter of the Jews was mentioned in the council of one of the high notables which was attended by a group including Amīn al-Dawlah.  Awhad al-Zamān said: “May God curse the Jews!” and Amīn al-Dawlah retorted: “Yes indeed, and their sons too!” Hearing this, Awhad al-Zamān fell silent, knowing that this remark was directed at him. [4]

Status insecurity manifesting in shunning and attacking one’s former group is psychologically and historically plausible.  So too is refusing to accept a rival’s shift to a higher status group.

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Notes:

[1] In twelfth-century Damascus, the eminent physician Shaikh Radiyy al-Dīn al-Rahbī behaved similarly:

He made it a rule never to teach any medical principle to Christians or Jews or to persons who were not worthy of it, for he held the profession in high honor and esteem.  He told me that all his life he had never taught Jews or Christians, except two — `Imran al-`Isrā’īlī and Ibrāhīm ibn Khalaf the Samaritan — and these only out of compassion after they had begged and pleaded with him, giving reasons that he could not disregard. Indeed, both became distinguished physicians.

HP pp. 843-4.

[2]  HP p. 503.  A similar structure of secret learning appears in the fable of Aristotle’s entrance into the King’s court as a poor orphan who had surreptitiously studied under Plato (HP pp. 120-4). The distinguished teacher of medicine was Abū al-Hasan Sa`īd ibn Hibat Allāh ibn al-Husayn.  Galen was by far the leading intellectual authority for physicians.

[3] HP p. 506.  For clarity in the translation, I’ve changed “for it” to “for being a Jew”.  Awhad al-Zamān served Caliph al-Mustanjid bi-Allāh.

[4] HP p. 506.  In another incident of rivalry, Awhad al-Zamān secretly wrote a note falsely implicating Amīn al-Dawlah in crimes. When that ploy was uncovered, the Caliph gave Amīn al-Dawlah the rights to Awhad al-Zamān’s “life, property and books.”  Amīn al-Dawlah nobly declined to exercise those rights and thus gained prestige.  Awhad al-Zamān was banned from the Caliph’s presence and lost prestige.  HP p. 489.

Reference:

HP: Ibn Abi Usaybi’ah, Ahmad ibn al-Qasim. English translation of History of Physicians (4 v.) Translated by Lothar Kopf. 1971. Located in: Modern Manuscripts Collection, History of Medicine Division, National Library of Medicine, Bethesda, MD; MS C 294Online transcription.

why newspaper content windowing vanished

Newspaper publishers in New York State in 1855 commonly windowed their newspaper content across daily, semi-weekly, and weekly issues.  For example, the New York Evening Post began daily publication about 1802.  In 1855, that newspaper had become three products: The Evening Post, the Semi-Weekly Evening Post, and the Weekly Evening Post, with subscriptions prices $10, $3, and $2 per year, respectively.[*]  For a daily newspaper, being a morning or evening issue is highly relevant.  The name “Weekly Evening Post” reflects the historical legacy of a daily newspaper giving birth to a weekly newspaper.  Providing three newspaper products was a way to segment the newspaper market by spending propensity and demand for newness in news.

U.S. newspapers today offer subscription options, but not content windowing.  Sunday-only, weekday-only, and daily subscriptions aren’t separate newspapers.  Both the Sunday-only and daily subscribers get the same product on Sunday.

Changes in newspapers’ cost and revenue structures and the growth of other communications networks plausibly account for the vanishing of newspaper content windowing.  While good data are lacking, newspapers cost structure has almost surely shifted away from per-copy production and distribution costs and toward reporting, administrative, and management costs.  On the revenue side, advertising revenue as a share of newspaper revenue rose from 49% to 78% from 1880 to 2008.  Advertising revenue was probably much less than 49% of newspaper revenue in 1855.  These changes in costs and revenue structures gave newspaper companies greater incentive to deliver newspapers to readers even when readers value the newspaper relatively low.  In addition, the growth of other communications networks (radio, television, the Internet) makes news lose news value more rapidly over time.  Content windowing for general news is no longer a feasible newspaper business strategy.

The history of newspaper content windowing suggests underlying economics could close entertainment video windowing.  Production and distribution costs for video are decreasing.  Revenue for video producers is shifting from subscriptions and sales to advertising.  The growth of communications networks are generating faster and more transient peaks in mass attention.  Even if, through content controls, rights management, and police action, video producers could prevent others from sharing or marketing video across content windows, content windowing might become an infeasible business strategy.

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Note:

[*] See the table “Newspapers and Other Periodicals Published in New-York in 1855“, New York State Census of 1855, pp. 480-497.  That table includes many other examples of windowed newspapers.

early history of textual chapters

The division of texts into chapters is associated with intensive study of texts’ conceptual content.  The scholarly literature describes scholasticism giving rise in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries to chapter divisions in western texts.  Islamic scholarship spurred chapter divisions and other paratextual aids in the Islamic world in the tenth century.  Chapter divisions, however, go back even earlier.  Roger Pearse has recently presented strong evidence that chapter headings and numerical chapter labels existed in Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium, written in Nyssa (central Anatolia) in the 380s.  He suggests that Gregory of Nyssa adopted chapter divisions from Eusebius of Caesarea’s Ecclesiastical History (finished c. 324).  Eusebius is known to have pioneered a paratextual organization that has come to be called Eusebian Canons.  Eusebius, a formidable scholar, may well have also employed chapter divisions.

Historical practices of textual study and copying have tended to obscure paratextual markers.  Ancient scholars memorized texts as part of their study of them.  For memorized texts, quoting or referencing a particular section of the text doesn’t require an in-line paratextual reference even if paratextual markers existed in the referenced text.  Within scholars’ brains was an alternate, organic textual reference system.  Moreover, texts were prone to re-organization in copying.  As Pearse observes, the manuscript tradition of Gregory of Nyssa’s Contra Eunomium shows that paratextual material was regarded as relatively unimportant.  Because the scope of surviving textual artifacts from antiquity is quite limited, direct evidence of ancient textual organization is also quite limited.

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efficient contracting depends on good ethics

dogsled mail deliver

Beginning in 1845, the U.S. Postal Service contacted out mail delivery on some routes that had unusual service circumstances.  The primary terms of the contact was mail delivery with “celerity, certainty, and security.”  These terms became so standardized that they were represented with three stars and generated the name for the service, Star Route Service.  The star-route contracts gave the contractor the flexibility to choose the means of mail delivery:

Star Route contractors relied on a remarkable variety of vehicles to travel across difficult terrain in all kinds of weather. A route from Bayfield to Lapointe, Wisconsin, utilized horse, dogsled, foot travel, a propeller-driven sled, trucks, and a boat, depending on time of year. Another from Yellow Pine to Wallace Ranch, Idaho, employed a pickup truck, 4-wheel drive truck, Sno-Cat®, airplane, horseback, packhorse, motorcycle, foot travel, and snowshoes.

Over time, high-level corruption developed in the awarding of star-route contacts.  To control corruption and to provide more transparency in contracting, the contracts shifted to specifying routes and means of delivery.  Economically efficient, technology-neutral contracts did not endure because general ethical standards were poor.

Public regulation that enables the benefits of private choice depends on virtuous public officials and ethical private businesspersons.