livery companies illustrate socio-economic organization

In London, medieval craft guilds developed into livery companies. Livery companies became enmeshed in local government and the state church.  Positions in the livery companies depended more on family inheritance and social connections than on business activity.  By the sixteenth century, many liverymen did not engage in the craft of the livery company with which they were associated.

In 1515, city officials ranked London’s 48 livery companies in an order of precedence.  The order of precedence was a ranking of social prestige and political influence.  The top three livery companies were mercers (merchants), grocers, and drapers (wool and cloth merchants).  Those livery companies did not control those trades, which were large and diverse.  Many persons in those trades were not economically or politically powerful.  The livery companies were elites with ancient historical connections to the livery companies’ nominal trades. The livery companies and the order of precedence had little relation to the economic reality of actual trades.

In present-day London, the livery company known as the Worshipful Company of International Bankers has order of precedence 106 out of the current 108 London livery companies.  The Worshipful Company of Mercers remains the livery company with the highest order of precedence.

Social positions are much more stable than economic positions.

coat of arms for Worshipful Company of Scriveners, London 1596

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The Folger Shakespeare Library has on exhibit until Sept. 30, 2012, Open City: London 1500-1700.  That exhibit traces London’s transformation from a walled city with a population of about 50,000 in 1500 to an “open city” developed far beyond medieval walls and having a population of about 500,000 in 1700.  A broadsheet showing chief corporations of London in 1596 is on display in that exhibit (online image).  The image of the scriveners’ coat of arms (above) is from that broadsheet.  Here’s a machine readable version of the broadsheet’s list of the chief corporations of London in 1596 (Excel file).

courtly and Bedouin love poetry in the early Islamic world

Bottles from 6th-7th century Iran, with nude dancing women in different costumes (Freer Gallery)

Love poetry in the seventh-century Islamic world divided into urban (courtly) and desert (Bedouin) types.  While both courtly and Bedouin love poetry flourished in the Hejaz region encompassing Mecca and Medina on the western edge of the Arabian peninsula, the types contrasted thematically:

Arab writers on the subject regarded this urban love poetry as lecherous, or, at its best, as realistic.  It spoke of many loves, of illicit adventures, of great amatory activity.  The second type was chaste, pure and tender, and concentrated on one beloved.  Writers on the subject saw the difference as resulting from the contrast between city and desert life,the first merry, affluent, with easy access to slave girls; the second poor, sad, helpless and dominated by the virtuous spirit enjoined by Islam. [1]

From the seventh to the eighth centuries, political leadership shifted from Hejaz and the Umayyids to Baghdad and the Abbasids.  Nonetheless, the thematic division between courtly and Bedouin love poetry was still in play in late-eighth-century Baghdad.

An under-appreciated figure in re-imagining courtly and Bedouin love poetry is ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Qurayb al-Asma’i.  Al-Asma’i (d. 783) was a philologist.  He both wrote books on animals and produced anthologies and studies of Arabic poetry across its history.  Al-Asma’i had fine manners and graceful speech.  He was a close companion of Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid in Baghdad.  Historically, al-Asma’i is known as an exemplar of adab.  Adab in the Abbasid caliphate meant urbane cultural sophistication understood in contrast to the primitive culture of the Bedouin.[2]

While an exemplar of courtly sophistication, al-Asma’i emphasized the simple physical act of sexual intercourse.  A thirteen-century Islamic jurist preserved a conversation that al-Asma’i recounted:

I said to a Bedouin woman:  “What do you consider love to be among you?” “Hugging, embracing, winks, and conversation,” she replied.  Then she asked, “How is it among you, city-dweller?” “He sits amid her four members and presses her to the limit,” I answered.  “Nephew,” she cried, “this is no lover, but a man seeking a child!” [3]

In the Thousand and One Nights, al-Asma’i appears in a story as the judge in a poetry contest among three young women of Basra.  The women compose couplets of sexual longing.  Al-Asma’i chooses as the winner the poem that describes the physical consummation of sexual longing.  Explaining to Caliph al-Rashid that choice, al-Asma’i explains that the winning love poem was the poem closest to real life.[4]  Nonetheless, al-Asma’i was no crude roué.  Perhaps he was as culturally sophisticated as the renowned Roman poet Ovid.

The stories of the Thousand and One Nights emphasize themes of courtly love poetry.  In the introductory frame, a king discovers his wife in the arms of one of the kitchen boys. The king then travels to visit his older brother, who is also a king. There, the younger brother by chance secretly observes the older brother’s wife participating in an orgy.  When the older-brother King learns of his wife’s infidelity, he laments the licentiousness of women in his kingdom:

No one is safe in this world.  Such doings are going on in my kingdom, and in my very palace. … There is not a single chaste woman anywhere on the entire face of the earth. [5]

The King’s lament obliterates the early Islamic division of love poetry.  The chaste desert Bedouin no longer exists.[6] Among sophisticated scholars of poetry and exemplars of adab, the alternative to conventional courtly love poetry had become the reality of sex.[7]

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Read more:

Notes:

[1] Jayyusi (1983) p. 421.

[2] According to Meisami & Starkey (1998), p. 110, entry “al-Asma’i”:

al-Asma’i was one of the first to treat pre-Islamic poetry as a corpus to be collected and edited: his personal anthology of early examples, known as al-Asma’iyyat, shows him confronting the growing problem of the unreliability of transmitters (see rawi).  In subsequent literary history he has become the ideal speaker of Arabic, combining the merits of complete orthodox piety with the forthright simplicity of the Bedouin, symbolically reconciling the new religion with its pagan linguistic roots.

The subsequent discussion above suggests that this characterization significantly under-estimates al-Asma’i’s cultural sophistication.

[3] Ibn al-Qayyim, Rawda, commenting on early Arabs’ understanding of proper conduct in love.  Trans. Bell (1979) p. 134, adapted slightly above.  That the Bedouin woman refers to al-Asma’i as nephew highlights inter-generational difference.  For the phrase “four members” above, id. has “four limbs (shu’abiha)” and notes (p. 252, n. 48):

The expression “shu’abiha ‘l-arba'” (lit., “her four branches”) was understood variously by Muslim scholars to mean: her arms and legs, her thighs and shanks, her labia majora and minora, or her legs and labia majora.

Al-Washsha (d. 936), in his Kitab al-Muwashsha,  transforms this story into didactic verse:

To love is to kiss, to touch hand or arm
or to send letters whose spells are stronger than witchcraft.
Love is nothing but this; when lovers sleep together, love perishes.
The unchaste are only interested in having children.

Trans. Hamori (1990) p. 209.

[4] The story, Al-Asma’i and the Girls of Basra. According to Marzolph, van Leeuwen & Wassouf (2004), p. 472:

This story is contained in the Egyptian manuscripts and most of the early printed editions.  It is also quoted in Ibn al-Sarray’s (d. 1106) Masari’ al-‘ushsaq and al-Itlidi’s (seventeenth century) I’lam al-nas. {references omitted}

For a modern translation, see Night 687, in Lyons, Lyons & Irwin (2010) v. 2, pp. 773-6. The story isn’t in Haddawy, Mahdi & Heller-Roazen (2010).

[5] Haddawy, Mahdi & Heller-Roazen (2010) pp. 10, 12 (based on earliest Syrian Arabic manuscript).

[6] Abū Hayyān al-Tawhīdī (d. 1023) describes a similar change in the poetic imagination of love:

{al-Tawhīdī} comments on the romantization of love in the good old days and attributes its decline in part to the excessive sensuality of the present generation and in part to the disillusionment with the Bedouin among whom the poets had been wont to place their romantic lovers.

See Grunebaum (1952) p. 235.

[7] Centuries later, Ibn Quzman (d. 1160) echoed al-Asma’i sentiment in the less pointed form of colloquial Arabic verse (zajal):

As for refined love — let others claim it.
May God, instead, give me contentment:
Kisses, embraces, and the rest.
(If you ask any further, you prove yourself nosey.)

Todo Ben Quzman, II, 642, quoted in English trans. in Hamori (1990) p. 212.

References:

Bell, Joseph Norment. 1979. Love theory in later Hanbalite Islam. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Grunebaum, G.E. von. 1952. “Avicenna’s Risâla fî ʾl-ʿišq and Courtly Love.” Journal of Near Eastern Studies, v. 11, no. 4 (Oct.) pp. 233-238.

Haddawy, Husain, Muhsin Mahdi, and Daniel Heller-Roazen. 2010. The Arabian nights. New York: W. W. Norton & Co.

Hamori, Andras. 1990. “Love poetry (Ghazal).”  In Ashtiany, Julia. ʻAbbasid belles-lettres. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press.

Jayyusi, Salma K. 1983. “Umayyad poetry.” In Beeston, A. F. L.  Arabic literature to the end of the Umayyad period.  Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press.

Lyons, Malcolm C., Ursula Lyons, and Robert Irwin. 2010. The Arabian nights: tales of 1001 nights. 1-3. London: Penguin.

Marzolph, Ulrich, Richard van Leeuwen, and Hassan Wassouf. 2004. The Arabian nights encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.

Meisami, Julie Scott, and Paul Starkey. 1998. Encyclopedia of Arabic literature. London: Routledge.

big data and controlled experiments

Big data is currently a top geek fashion.  But more data does not directly imply better understanding.  Avinash Kaushik offers great wisdom on the mistakes of data puking.  Collecting data and making tables and diagrams is no substitute for figuring out what to do.

Another top geek fashion is A/B testing.  Kohavi et al. (2012) summarize the pitfalls with a proverb: “the difference between theory and practice is greater in practice than in theory.”  The allure of controlled experiments is that you can directly test outcomes.  In practice you need to address two big problems:

  1. Actually understanding the test.  Kohavi et al. (2012) point to the importance of A/A testing.  If you can’t understand and control the outcomes of A/A testing, don’t waste your time doing A/B testing. A test implicitly encompasses judgments about sample relevance and time-horizon relevance.  A test also necessarily implies some anticipated change in behavior.  Have you considered possibilities for changes in behavior apart from and unrelated to your proposed test change?
  2. Actually identifying a feasible and meaningful outcome measure. Optimizing what is measurable may not increase economic value.  Figuring out the best feasible measure of the economic value relevant to a specific enterprise often isn’t easy.  Kohavi et al. (2012) provide some insightful examples of trade-offs between short-run value and long-run value in the context of testing search advertising.

In short, big data and controlled experiments are tools for thinking, not substitutes for thinking.

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Related post:

Reference:

Kohavi, Ron, Alex Deng, Brian Frasca, Roger Longbotham, Toby Walker, Ya Xu. 2012.  “Trustworthy Online Controlled Experiments: Five Puzzling Outcomes Explained.”  To appear in KDD 2012 Aug 12-16, 2012, Beijing China.

hybrids: a historical-cultural perspective

Recent genetic studies indicate that Homos evolved with at least several Homo subspecies co-existing but subsequently dying out.  About 30,000 years ago, genetically distinct Homo subspecies included Denisovans, Neandertals, and early modern humans (Homo sapiens sapiens).  While these populations are genetically distinct, they interbred and evolved with hybrid genomes.  Modern humans remain genetic hybrids and bear archaic genetic sequences from both Denisovans and Neandertals.

These recent findings from high-tech genetic research would not have surprised readers of Islamic sailors’ tales from a millennium ago.  These tales include many descriptions of human-animal hybrids.  For example, a sea captain noted:

Someone who has been to Zaila and the land of the Ethiopians told me that in the Ethiopian Sea there is a fish just like a human being, in body, hands, and feet.  Fisherman who go afar, unhappy men who spend their lives in unexplored regions, on desert shores, in islands and mountains where they never meet another human being, sometimes find this fish with a human face.  They hold congress with the female.  From them are born beings that look like men, and live in the water and in the atmosphere.  Perhaps these fish with human faces originally derive from a union between a man and some sort of fish, a union that would have produced these creatures like men: after which similar unions would have gone on for centuries.  It is in the same way that men, by coupling with panthers, hyenas and other land animals, have given birth to monkeys, nasnas and other animals that look like man. It is in the same way that the union of pigs and buffalo have produced the elephant, {the union of } dogs and goats the wild boar, and {the union of} the ass and the mare the mule.  If we let ourselves tell all the results of these sorts of union, it would amaze the reader. [1]

A sailor told of what happened when he was left alone while his shipmates went in search of provisions:

a band of moneys came round the ship, and tried to board it.  I chased them away with stones.  A large female succeeded in reaching the ship.  I chased her away, and thought she had gone.  But she deceived me, and climbed up the other side of the ship beside me.  At that time I was about to eat, and I threw her a crust of bread.  She ate it.  In the evening I saw her returning, carrying a bunch of bananas in her mouth.  She called out, and I helped her up.  She put the bananas in front of me, and I ate them.  From then on she did not leave me.  Each day she went and came back, and spent the night on the boat, beside me.  She stirred my desire, and I had congress with her. [2]

The monkey got pregnant. The sailor, ashamed of his action, fled to sea in the ship’s small boat.  When the ship’s crew returned to the ship, they found the female monkey living there, along with child monkeys that had “a human face, a hairless chest and a shorter tail than is common among monkeys.”  The crew recognized that the sailor was the father of the monkey-children.  Some believed the sailor had fled; others believed that the female monkey had killed him.  In any case, the crew “got rid of the monkey and her little ones.”  The sailor, who nearly perished at sea, eventually found his way home and told the story.

Humans in the past imagined themselves in close relation to the natural world of animals.  Hybrids are frequently represented in stories and images across human history and cultures.  Hybrids indicate both recognition of types and admixtures.  Paleoanthropology is pointing to both differentiation and hybridization in human evolution.

centaurs: human-horse hybrids

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Read more:

Notes:

[1] Trans. Freeman-Grenville (1981) pp. 23-4. The compiler of the tales was Captain Buzurg ibn Shahriyar.  He was from Ramhormuz in Khuzistan and probably sailed from Siraf on the Persian Gulf.  Some of the tales in his book are explicitly dated between 900 and 953 GC.  The surviving copy is dated 1013.

[2] Id. pp. 40-1.

References:

Freeman-Grenville, Greville Stewart Parker, trans. 1981. Buzurg Ibn Šahriyār.  The book of the wonders of India: mainland, sea and islands. London: East-West Publications.