
Author: Douglas Galbi
ice in the Inferno: Buddhist eschatology in the Divine Comedy

Hell is frozen over in the deepest pit of Dante’s Inferno. That’s odd. Hell freezing over is usually deployed as an impossibility in a rhetorical declaration. Dante’s Divine Comedy has long been revered as a literary masterpiece and a defining work of European literature. But why the hell is there ice in Dante’s Inferno? The answer may come from Buddhist meditation.
The twentieth-century American poet Robert Frost naturalized ice in the Inferno. In one of his most famous poems, Frost connected a personal sense of love and hate to pondering the end time (eschatology):
Fire and Ice
Some say the world will end in fire,
Some say in ice.
From what I’ve tasted of desire
I hold with those who favor fire.
But if it had to perish twice,
I think I know enough of hate
To say that for destruction ice
Is also great
And would suffice.
Frost’s personal library contained four editions of Dante’s Divine Comedy.[1] Frost’s poem has nine lines, and Dante’s Inferno has nine circles of Hell. Frost uses a modified form of the terza rima (three-line rhyme group) of the Inferno. Frost gives ice the more negative valiance, just as Dante froze over the place for the worst sinners. Yet hate being cold, and reason being more destructive than passion — those are romantic platitudes. Frost doesn’t really explain ice in the Inferno.
Earlier Christian eschatological literature includes desultory use of cold as punishment. The Apocalypse of Paul, written about 400 GC, describes twenty-five categories of punishment. Twenty categories explicitly refer to punishment with fire or extreme heat. Two punishments refer to icy circumstances:
I beheld there men and women with their hands and feet cut off and naked, in a place of ice and snow. Worms devoured them. When I saw it, I wept and asked, “Who are these, Lord?” He said to me, “These are they that injured the fatherless and widows and the poor, and didn’t trust in the Lord. Therefore they pay without ceasing the due penalty.” …
I looked from the north to the west and saw there the worm that never sleeps. In that place was gnashing of teeth. The worms measured a foot and half, and on them were two heads. I saw there men and women in cold and gnashing of teeth. I asked, “Lord, who are they in that place?” He said to me, “These are they who say that Christ didn’t rise from the dead, and that our flesh doesn’t rise again.” I inquired, “Lord, is there no fire nor heat in this place?” He said to me, “In this place is nothing else but cold and snow.” He further said to me, “Even if the sun rose upon them, they would not be warmed, because of the excessive cold of this place and the snow.” [2]
The punishment in cold and snow is the last-listed punishment in the Apocalypse of Paul. To deny the resurrection is to deny a key Christian belief. Dante referred to Paul’s journey to Hell and probably knew the Apocalypse of Paul.[3] Dante, however, treats icy punishment as a much more integral part of the Inferno than it is in the Apocalypse of Paul.
Other early Christian eschatological literature refers to icy punishment. A vision that Bede recorded in eighth-century England connected cold and hot punishment:
Walking on, we came to a valley of great breadth, depth, and infinite length. On the left it appeared full of terrifying flames. The other side was no less horrid for violent hail and cold snow flying in all directions. Both places were full of human souls, which seemed by turns to be tossed from one side to the other, as if by a violent storm. When the wretches could no longer endure the excess of heat, they leaped into the middle of the cutting cold. Finding no rest there, they leaped back again into the middle of the unquenchable flames. [4]
The narrator’s remarks underscore the association of Hell with flames:
I began to think that perhaps this might be Hell, of whose intolerable flames I had often heard talk. My guide, who went before me, answered to my thought, saying, “Do not believe so, for this is not the Hell you imagine.” … That valley you saw so terrifying for consuming flames and cutting cold, is the place in which the souls of those are tried and punished, who, delaying to confess and amend their crimes, at length have recourse to repentance at the point of death [5]
The alternate punishments of hot and cold are part of an figure of Purgatory. Hell in this vision is fiery, not frozen over.
Medieval European literature prior to Dante’s Inferno doesn’t offer any vision of rationalized icy punishment. Alternating punishments of hot and cold occur in Walter of Châtillon’s Alexandreis and Lotario dei Segni’s De miseria humanae conditionis — two highly influential, twelfth-century Latin works. Those depictions probably represent Bede’s influence. Vincent of Beauvais’s thirteenth-century Speculum Historiale includes simple accounts of visions mentioning cold punishments in Hell: rivers of ice-cold water, torments of heat and cold.[6] Such torments are more realistic than visionary. No one in Europe prior to Dante seems to have thought deeply about including ice within the well-known intolerable flames of Hell.
Ice in the Inferno, however, has well-pondered precedent in Buddhist eschatology. Narakas in Buddhism are places of torment analogous to Hell. Buddhist texts from no later than the fifth-century GC describe eight cold Narakas (“cold Hells”) and eight hot Narakas (“hot Hells”). One of those cold Hells is named Arbuda:
Arbuda or Chubur-chan. The bodies of the sattvas who fall into this Hell are frozen to bubbles, as foam is formed in the sea, when agitated by high winds. Unbelievers in Buddhism, particularly those who hold that nothing will exist after death, and that death is the end of existence, are destined to fall into the Arbuda or Bubble Hell, which is a gloomy, deep, cold valley filled with ice. Here they are continually smitten by a freezing wind, which penetrates to the bones. [7]
Other cold Hells similarly have evocative descriptions. Buddhist descriptions of the cold Hells involve complex figures and long calculations:
Buddha said to the bhiksus: “Suppose there is a big bamboo container which holds sixty-four pecks of sesame seeds. Suppose one goes to it every hundred years, and takes one sesame seed away. When finally one empties the container, the sinners in the Thick Clouds Hell {a cold Hell, as are the subsequent named Hells} have not yet exhausted their punishment. Twenty times the length of suffering in the Thick Clouds Hell is the equivalent of one period in the No Clouds Hell. Twenty times the length of suffering in the No Clouds Hell is the equivalent of one period in the Ho Ho Sound Hell. Twenty times the length of suffering in the Ho Ho Sound Hell is the equivalent of one period in the Nai Ho Sound Hell. Twenty times the length of suffering in the Nai Ho Sound Hell is the equivalent of one period in the Goats Bleating Hell [8]
Buddhist descriptions of cold Hells occur in long, complex, learned cosmological texts. These include the Abhidharma-kosa {Treasure House of Higher Knowledge}, written in Sanskrit in the fourth or fifth century GC, and the Dirghagama (Long Discourses), Sutra of Cosmology, translated into Chinese in 414 GC. In intellectual scope and intent, these works’ depictions of cold Hells are the most similar prior literature to Dante’s complex figure of ice in the Inferno.
In the Inferno, the mythic Greek ferryman Charon takes Dante across the mythic Greek river Acheron into the Underworld. Charon tells Dante and the other souls waiting to cross over:
Give up all hope to look upon the sky!
I come to lead you to the other shore,
into eternal darkness — fire and ice!{ Non isperate mai veder lo cielo:
i’ vegno per menarvi a l’altra riva
ne le tenebre etterne, in caldo e ’n gelo. }[9]
A underworld of fire and ice has little precedent in surviving European literature. Those who would consider Dante and Buddhism only when Hell freezes over should show more respect for the Inferno.[10]

* * * * *
Read more:
- medieval Hells: Chinese industrialism vs. Dante’s mercantilism
- earth’s a square, heaven a circle across Eurasia
- common, ancient Eurasian apsara-angel iconography
Notes:
[1] Serio (1999) p. 220, n. 1. Serio describes Frost’s poem as “a brilliant, gemlike compression of Dante’s Inferno.” Id. The subsequent three observations above draw from Serio’s analysis.
[2] Apocalypse of Paul 39, 42, from Latin trans. M.R. James for Clarendon Press, 1924. I’ve modernized the English. Bremmer (2009), pp. 303-7, dates the work about 400 GC in Egypt for the original Greek version, and the end of the fifth century for the Latin translation. A prevalent, less substantiated dating for the original version is the middle of the third century.
Here’s a table of sins and punishments in the Apocalypse of Paul, with each row (sin / punishment) categorized by temperature (fire, snow, or not specified). I’ve adapted the table from Bremmer (2009) pp. 307-8.
[3] On Paul journeying to Hell:
Later, the Chosen Vessel also went
to bring back comfort, strengthening the faith
which is the first step on salvation’s way.
{Andovvi poi lo Vas d’elezïone,
per recarne conforto a quella fede
ch’è principio a la via di salvazione.}
Inferno 2.28-30, from Italian trans. Esolen (2002) p. 15. In 2 Corinthians 12:1-7, Paul describes (with the modesty of a third-person narrative) being “caught up in the third heaven.”
[4] Bede, Ecclesiastical History Bk. 5.12 (Vision of Drythelm), from Latin trans. L.C. Jane (1903), printed by J.M. Dent, London. I’ve modernized the English. The subsequent quote is from id. Bede dates the vision to 696 GC.
[5] Walter of Châtillon’s twelfth-century Latin poems refer to Hell as “the blazing inferno” (ardentis … inferni) and “everlasting fire” (ignis sempiternus). Poems 45, 50, from Latin trans. Traill (2013) pp. 130-1, 166-7. Fiery images of Hell have been dominant throughout Christian history.
[6] Vision of the Boy William (dated 1146) describes in Hell ice-cold rivers as tortures. The Vision of Tundale (Irish, dated 1149, here’s the Middle English version in modern English) has in Hell mountains of fire and ice, as well as cold punishments. Gardiner (1989) pp. 156-7, 169. Both William’s and Tundale’s visions are in Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum Historiale, Book 27. The Vision of Orm (England, 1125/6) reports torments of heat and cold. The Vision of the Monk of Eynsham (dated 1196) uses a figure of cold punishment that parallels that in Bede’s Vision of Drythelm:
The side of the mountain overhanging one part of the lake sent fire up to the the heavens, on the opposite promontory of the same hill there was such an intense cold, caused by snow, hail, and raging storms, that I thought I had never seen anything more torturing than the cold in that place.
Adapted into modern English by Gardiner (1989) p. 206. Morgan (1990) provides a less accessible review of popular visions of Hell before Dante than does Gardiner’s Hell Online.
Morgan (1990), Ch. 4, finds considerable continuity in types of sins punished in popular European visions of Hell through to Dante’s Inferno. Morgan, however, ignores the distinction between hot and cold punishments. Barolini (2015) notes that Dante “is original in producing ice at the pit of hell.”
[7] Journal of the Buddhist Text Society of India, Volume 1, Part III (1893), p. 17. Id. p. 12 observes:
The Buddhist Hell which is the sixth state in the Samsara Chakra, or “World Cycle,” is described in Buddhist literature with a minuteness which bespeaks a vast amount of labour on the part of the monks. The terrors depicted far surpass anything of Dante’s Inferno, the tortures are more excruciating than the mind ever conceived, not excepting the darkest days of the inquisition.
Some Buddhist texts report ten cold Hells rather than eight. Howard (1986) p. 140 (Dirghagama); Duyvendak (1952) pp. 288, 297 (An Shih-kao, Chinese translation of the Sutra of the Eighteen Hells; Chinese popular belief). Duyvendak dates An Shih-kao’s translation to the second century. It includes cold punishment:
People in snow mountains with an icy wind blowing; their skin cracks but death, though they pray for it, does not come.
Id. pp. 281-2. Images of Hell are an important theme in Eastern Asian art after the tenth century. Leidy (2008) p. 91.
The English chroniclers Ralph of Coggeshall and Roger of Wendover preserved the Vision of Thurkill (dated 1206). Among European eschatological visions, Thurkill’s vision uses cold most similarly to cold Hells in Buddhist texts. Consider:
The second court contained similar cauldrons, but these were filled with snow and cold ice, in which the spirits were tortured by the dreadful cold in intolerable agony.
Vision of Thurkill, trans. Gardiner (1989) p. 232. Different courts of punishment commonly feature in Buddhist visions of Hell.
[8] Dirghagama (Long Discourses), Sutra of Cosmology Chuan 19: Chapter 4, “The Hells,” from Chinese trans. Howard (1986) p. 140.
[9] Dante, Inferno 3.85-7, from Italian trans. Esolen (2002) p. 27.
[10] Important recent scholarship has explored the relation of Islam and Byzantium to Dante’s Commedia. Ziolkowski (2014), Ziolkowski (2015). Duyvendak observes:
The identity of certain fundamental conceptions about Hell, found in East and West, has very ancient origins.
Duyvendak (1952) p. 313. Those common conceptions extend all the way to eastern Eurasia.
[images] (1) Illustration from Dante Alghieri, La Commedia, with commentary by Christophorus Landinus (Brescia, Boninus de Boninis, de Ragusia, 31 May 1487) Columbia University Library, Rare Book Incunabula GoffD31. Here are more information about this book’s illustrations and more information about the book. (2) Digitally enhanced photo of the punishment registers on the front of the Cosmic Buddha (Vairochana), item F1923.15, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, DC. This sculpture dates to the late-sixth century. Here’s more information about the Cosmic Buddha, which you can view in 3D imagery.
The fifth cubicle from the left in the lowest register of the Cosmic Buddha’s front design may represent a form of the Buddhist “Hell of the Dark-Cold.” That cubicle shows:
Two sinners are obliged to plunge into some liquid substance. One has immersed already the top-half of his body, and his legs are visible kicking in the air. An impassible warden pushes them down.
Howard (1986) p. 4. In the “Hell of the Dark-Cold”:
There is a round clear pool of water, with small demons attending on either side, and shouting. Dragging a man by the arm, they throw him into the water, where a large fish with a big head swallows him up in one gulp. And so on, one man after another.
Duyvendak (1952) p. 305.
References:
Barolini, Teodolinda. 2015. “Inferno 34 : Satanic Physics and the Point of Transition.” Commento Baroliniano, Digital Dante. Center for Digital Research and Scholarship. New York, NY: Columbia University Libraries, 2015.
Bremmer, Jan N. 2009. “Christian Hell: From the Apocalypse of Peter to the Apocalypse of Paul.” Numen. 56 (2/3): 298-325.
Duyvendak, J. J. L. 1952. “A Chinese “Divina Commedia.” T’oung Pao. 41 (4-5): 255-316.
Esolen, Anthony M., trans. 2002. Dante Alighieri. The inferno. New York: Modern Library.
Gardiner, Eileen, ed. and trans. 1989. Visions of heaven and hell before Dante. New York: Italica Press.
Howard, Angela Falco. 1986. The imagery of the Cosmological Buddha. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Leidy, Denise Patry. 2008. The art of Buddhism: an introduction to its history & meaning. Boston: Shambhala.
Morgan, Alison. 1990. Dante and the medieval other world. Cambridge {England}: Cambridge University Press.
Serio, John N. 1999. “Frost’s: Fire and Ice and Dante’s Inferno.” The Explicator. 57 (4): 218-221.
Traill, David A., ed. and trans. 2013. Walter of Châtillon, the shorter poems: Christmas hymns, love lyrics, and moral-satirical verse. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Ziolkowski, Jan M, ed. 2014. Dante and the Greeks. Washington, D.C. : Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
Ziolkowski, Jan M, ed. 2015. Dante and Islam. New York: Fordham University Press.
Cicero unpacked: piss on learned hypocrites to cultivate public fields

About 2050 years ago, the revered Roman philosopher, statesman, and orator Marcus Tullius Cicero eloquently stated the importance of education. Cicero, who chose his words carefully, used an agricultural metaphor. The full significance of Cicero’s pithy words can be understood through the brilliant medieval Latin work Solomon and Marcolf and a lively poem of Luxorius.
Cicero addressed education in the context of philosophers’ hypocrisy. A teacher declared of philosophers:
How few there are that think the tenets of their school are not ostentatious display of knowledge but a law of life! … Some of them we may see guilty of such frivolity and vanity that it would have been far better for them never to have been students; we see them greedy of gain, not a few of fame, many slaves to lust, so that there is a strange contradiction between their public utterances and their life. This seems to me to be an extreme disgrace.
{ qui disciplinam suam non ostentationem scientiae, sed legem vitae putet? … Videre licet alios tanta levitate et iactatione, ut eis fuerit non didicisse melius, alios pecuniae cupidos, gloria non nullos, multos libidinum servos, ut cum eorum vita mirabiliter pugnet oratio. Quod quidem mihi videtur esse turpissimum. }[1]
Cicero then provided justification for education:
Just as the field, however fertile, without cultivation cannot be fruitful, likewise the soul without instruction.
{ Ut ager, quamvis fertilis, sine cultura fructuosus esse non potest, sic sine doctrina animus. }
As the worldly Cicero surely knew, instruction to be fully educational must involve more than just learning approved doctrines. Cicero’s agricultural metaphor implicitly suggests how to cultivate fields of intellectual activity so that they are most fruitful.
Solomon and Marcolf elaborates on Cicero’s metaphor of educational cultivation. King Solomon, renowned for his wisdom, declared:
Learning and wisdom ought to reside in the mouth of the wise.
{ Doctrina et sapiencia in ore apientis debet consistere. }[2]
The shrewd peasant Marcolf, who courageously protested against malice toward men, responded:
A donkey ought to always be among the crops. Where it grazes, there they grow back. Where it eats one shoot, forty rises up. Where it shits, there it fertilizes. Where it pisses, it irrigates. Where it wallows, it breaks the clods.
{ Asellus in messe semper debet esse. Ubi pascit, ibi renascit. Ubi pascit unam plantam, quadraginta resurgunt. Ubi cacat, ibi fimat. Ubi mingit, ibi rigat. Ubi se volutat, ibi frangit glebas. }
Wisdom that merely seeks to exalt one’s own social status is hypocrisy. Learning and wisdom that resides only in the mouth of the wise won’t be fruitful. Pissing and defecating are vital actions in public fields.
The sixth-century Vandal poet Luxorius crafted a poem that highlights Solomon and Marcolf’s point. That poem concerns the ancient Greek philosopher Diogenes the Cynic. Diogenes positioned himself as a gadfly to the philosophical students of Socrates, who himself had claimed gadfly status. At a banquet, some persons reportedly kept throwing bones at Diogenes as they would at a dog. Diogenes in turn pissed on them. In addition, Diogenes was so successful in attracting and stirring up crowds in Athens that one day some persons reportedly pissed on him.[3] Plato evaluated that action as merely contributing to Diogenes’s vanity.
Fruitful fertilization of public fields depends on personal integrity. Luxorius’s poem focuses on that issue:
About a painting of Diogenes, in which a lasciviously straying woman plucks his beard and Cupid pisses on his book
Showing the ridiculousness of Diogenes, the courtesan Lais
plucks the beard of her companion in love.
Neither a virtuous mind, nor a morally pure way of life
deters the philosopher from being a repulsive man.
Thus the unhappy one is doing that for which he frequently faulted others,
and what is most pitiful: a wise man is skillfully being pissed on.{ De Diogene picto, ubi lascivienti menetrix
barbam evellit et Cupido mingit in codice eiusDiogenem meretrix derisum Laida monstrat
barbatamque comam frangit amica Venus.
nec virtus animi nec castae semita vitae
philosophum revocat turpiter esse virum.
hoc agit infelix alios quo saepe notavit;
quodque nimis miserum est, mingitur arte sophus. }[4]
Diogenes ostentatiously fashioned himself as a ridiculous and repulsive man. Luxorius here described Diogenes as being ridiculous and repulsive for being humiliated in heterosexual desire, just as the great philosopher Aristotle was. Calling Diogenes the “unhappy one {infelix}” further deflates his philosophic pretensions. Diogenes is a hypocrite for disparaging other men’s heterosexual desire while pathetically acting on his own. Pissing on him for that hypocrisy is vital public instruction.
Marcolf described a donkey usefully urinating and defecating in response to King Solomon’s pompous hypocrisy. Learning and wisdom should be apparent in the actions of the wise. Pissing and defecating on learned hypocrisy serves to instruct others and to cultivate public fields.
* * * * *
Read more:
- Marcolf challenged Solomon on malice toward men
- Luxorius on women’s desire to compete with men
- Fulvia: female tyrant amid collapsing Roman Republic
Notes:
[1] Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes 2.11-2, from Latin trans. J. E. King (1927) for Loeb Classical Library. I’ve made some minor adaptations to the translation. The subsequent quote is from Tusculanae Disputationes 2.13. Cicero wrote that work about 45 BGC. Cicero and others vigorously denounced hypocrisy in forensic oratory.
[2] Solomon and Marcolf, Prologue 19a-b, from Latin trans. Ziolkowski (2008) pp. 56-7.
[3] Diogenes Laërtius, Lives of the Eminent Philosophers 6.41, 46, from Greek trans. Robert Drew Hicks (1925) for Loeb Classical Library.
[4] Luxorius, Diogenem meretrix, from Latin my translation, with help from Rosenblum (1961) (poem 88) pp. 163, 249-50. In the Anthologia Latina, the poem is numbered 374 in Riese (1894) and 369 in Riese & Shackleton Bailey (1982).
The manuscript reading of the title has in codice. Riese & Shackleton Bailey (1982) follows that reading. Riese (1894) and Rosenblum (1961), following earlier authorities, emend in codice to in podice (“in the anus”).
The last two words of the poem are disputed. The manuscript has artis opus. Riese (1894) emends that to archisophus. Rosenblum (1961) has arte sophus. Riese & Shackleton Bailey (1982) has artis honos. The over-all sense of the poem seems to me to favor arte sophus. I’ve recorded that above.
Describing and commenting on a painting is a common context for ancient epigrams. Whether the poem’s title is original is questionable, as is whether such a painting actually existed.
In another poem, Luxorius similarly chides a Stoic philosopher:
To a hairy philosopher who has sex with girls only at night
Shaggy all over your face and members,
a properly uncut mane about your head,
you are a distinguished Stoic philosopher.
You only pretend to men that you are moderate,
not seeking sexual fulfillment by day
so that you won’t be caught and will always be concealed.
Boiling with lascivious impudence,
your loins plough beautiful girls at night,
A night-demon you in action suddenly become,
you who in teaching had long represented Cato.{ In philosophum hirsutum, nocte tantum cum puellis concumbentem
Hispidus tota facie atque membris,
crine non tonso capitis verendi,
omnibus clares Stoicus magister.
De viris te unum simulas modestum,
nec die quaeris coitum patrare,
ne capi possis lateasque semper.
Fervidus sed cum petulante lumbo,
nocte formosas subigis puellas,
incubus fies subito per actus,
qui Cato dudum fueras per artes. }
Anthologia Latina 353, my translation, Latin from Riese & Shackleton Bailey (1982) pp. 276-7. Latin text and English translation in Rosenblum (1961) pp. 154-5 (poem 72). Among this poem’s many fine features, fully apparent only in the Latin, is the close association in sound of nec die (“not by day”) and nocte (“at night”). Cato in this poem refers to Cato the Elder. He was a stock figure of the silly traditionalist, but he actually had some keen insights.
[image] Diogenes and Alexander the Great. Painting by Thomas Christian Wink, dated 1782. Thanks to Wikimedia Commons.
References:
Riese, Alexander, and David R. Shackleton Bailey. 1982. Anthologia latina: sive poesis latinae supplementum. Pars. 1. Carmina in codicibus scripta. Fasc. 1. Libri Salmasiani aliorumque carmina. Stutgardiae: In aedibus Teubneri. Online prior edition Riese (1894).
Rosenblum, Morris. 1961. Luxorius: a Latin poet among the Vandals; together with a text of the poems and an English translation. New York: Columbia University Press.
Ziolkowski, Jan M. 2008. Solomon and Marcolf. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University.
Dante’s eternal death evokes Alexander’s quest for glory

In the last canto of Dante’s Inferno, in the sinkhole of Hell, Virgil told Dante to behold Satan. Dante wrote:
How faint I then became, how turned to ice,
Reader, ask not; I will not write it down,
for any words I used would not suffice.
I did not die, did not remain alive.
Think for yourself, if wisdom buds in you,
what I became, deprived of life and death.{ Com’io divenni allor gelato e fioco,
nol dimandar, lettor, ch’i’ non lo scrivo,
però ch’ogne parlar sarebbe poco.
Io non mori’ e non rimasi vivo;
pensa oggimai per te, s’hai fior d’ingegno,
qual io divenni, d’uno e d’altro privo. }[1]
Dante in this canto subsequently described Satan as “the emperor of the reign of misery.” That’s easy enough to understand, but what is Dante saying about his own condition? An eminent Dante scholar observed:
The last verse of this seventh and last address to the reader in Inferno is treated by most commentators as a triviality, i.e., Dante assures the reader that he was indeed half-dead (as he has already said). See, for example, {a scholarly commentary states}: “The expression simply translates… that simple and banal phrase… in Italian, mezzo morto {half dead}.” Does Dante need to ask us to exercise our wits, if we have these, in order to understand that? The portentousness of his declaration that he cannot write what he became because words would fail him cannot be squared with such an interpretation, words for which would fail no one. Few, however, have come forward with more vital readings. [2]
Some scholars have provided abstract theological explanations. A lengthy scholarly analysis, published in 2002, interpreted the passage as describing “a parodic moment of mystical perception.” A better interpretation centers of the greatest sin of men. In a personal encounter with Satan-Lucifer-Leviathan, Dante apprehended the prideful quest for glory of Alexander the Great and of many other ordinary men like Dante himself. As Virgil advised, Dante must arm himself with fortitude to fight against that false ideal of virtue in gynocentric society.[3]
The interpretive key to Dante’s difficult text is the Alexandreis, a widely read Latin epic that Walter of Châtillon wrote about 1180. In Book 10 of that epic, Nature descended to the underworld. There she saw personifications of sins being punished in contrapasso:
Lust, submerged in burning slime, writhes
with flames that fully consume her genitals to the core.
Drunkenness is nauseated. Lavish gluttony licks
her own limbs and like a beggar by bites consumes them.{ Mersa iacens ardente luto torquetur et ardet
Pube tenus totis exhausta Libido medullis.
Nauseat Ebrietas, Gula deliciosa ligurrit
Et mendica suos consumit morsibus artus. }[4]
Stirring the flames of death in the Underworld was Leviathan, a figure of Satan-Lucifer. Nature brought to Leviathan “common complaints of humans and gods {communes hominumque deumque querelas}”: Alexander the Great was conquering all the world. He even planned to besiege Paradise and the Underworld. Nature urged the serpent to “avenge our common plague {communem nobis ulciscere pestem}.” She goaded his pride:
What praise is yours, serpent, what glory is yours
for expelling the first man if such a venerable garden
is yielded to Alexander?{ Que tua laus, coluber, uel que tua gloria primum
Eiecisse hominem si tam uenerabilis ortus
Cedat Alexandro? }
Leviathan loudly proclaimed that he would help Nature and ensure that their mutual foe Alexander was swallowed in infernal darkness. Leviathan’s pride was thus matched against Alexander’s quest for glory.[5]
The shared terrain of that contest was the circumstance that Dante perceived. The Alexandreis depicted Dante’s paradoxical condition:
Tortured agony of unheard of death, that death
that is unable to die. For he whose deadened life
has been sinful, here he shall always live
the punishment of death, so that he who never
ceased to sin, may not know the end of his dying.
Numbed by ice and snow, from coldness he passes
to burning coals. O pitiable punishment! Always
and never he dies who suffers in Avernus’s prison.{ Mortis inauditae torquentur agone, quibus mors
Est non posse mori. quia quorum hic mortua uita
In culpa fuerit, ibi uiuet semper eorum
Mors in suppliciis ut qui hic delinquere uiuus
Non cessat, finem moriendi nesciat illic.
Attritus glacie niuium, de frigore transit
Ad prunas. O supplicium miserabile! Semper
Et numquam moritur quem carcer torquet Auerni. }
Dante wasn’t feeling half-dead. He was feeling death that didn’t end — eternal death. That experience isn’t confined to the Underworld. Ordinary men feel eternal death within the demonizing circumstances of gynocentric society.
The first verse of the last canto of Dante’s Inferno comes from a sixth-century Latin hymn celebrating Jesus’s crucifixion. Virgil urged Dante:
“The standards of the king of Hell advance
toward us, and therefore look ahead and see,”
my Teacher said, “if you can make him out.”{ “Vexilla regis prodeunt inferni
verso di noi; però dinanzi mira,”
disse ‘l maestro mio, “se tu ‘l discerni.” }[6]
The standards of the king of Hell were huge wings like those of bats. These wings waved beneath each of the three faces of Satan. Each mouth of that satanic trinity was chewing on a betrayer’s body. The great warrior-king Alexander relentlessly pursued Darius’s betrayer. Alexander and Satan-Lucifer-Leviathan are corresponding figures in the human world and in the Underworld. They fought for their own glory. From a Christian perspective, Jesus is a king who acted much differently:
The standards of the king advance
the mystery of the cross shines forth,
whereby the founder of our flesh
in flesh upon a gibbet hung.
…
All hail, O altar; victim, hail,
for sake of his passion’s great fame,
by which our Life endured his death,
and by his death restored our life.{ Vexilla regis prodeunt,
fulget crucis mysterium,
quo carne carnis conditor
suspensus est patibulo.
…
Salve ara, salve victima
de passionis gloria,
qua vita mortem pertulit
et morte vitam reddidit. }[7]
The standards of the king advance. At the core of the world, Dante perceived Alexander the Great and eternal death. Dante soon reversed his trajectory to rise toward eternal life. You can, too.
* * * * *
Read more:
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- Lady Philosophy and man blindness in Boethius’s Consolation
Notes:
[1] Dante Alighieri, Commedia {Divine Comedy}, Inferno, Canto 34.22-7, from Italian trans. Esolen (2002) p. 351. Dante reprises ineffability at the summit of Heaven. Paradiso 31.133-8.
The full text of the Commedia, Robert Hollander’s scholarly English translation, and a vast array of resources for thinking about the work are freely available online at the outstanding Princeton Dante Project. Dante completed the Commedia about 1320.
[2] Robert Hollander in commentary for Inferno 34.22-7 at the Princeton Dante Project. The internal reference is to Umberto Bosco and Giovanni Reggio (1979), Commentary, Inferno 34.25-27. The subsequent quote is from id., citing Ledda, Giuseppe, La guerra della lingua (Ravenna: Longo, 2002).
[3] In Inferno 34.20-1, Virgil advised Dante, “Behold there, Dis {Satan-Lucifer}! Behold the place / where you must arm yourself with fortitude.” Trans. Esolen (2002) p. 351.
[4] Walter of Châtillon, Alexandreis 10.39-42, from Latin my translation, with help from Townsend (2007), Pritchard (1986), and Jolly (1968). The subsequent two quotes are similarly from Alexandreis 10.102-4 and 10.114-20. The full Latin text of the Alexandreis is available online. On contrapasso, Inferno 28.139-42 and references in note [5] in my post on Lotario dei Segni’s De miseria humanae conditionis 3.9.
[5] Alexander the Great sought immortality. The oracle of Ammon to Alexander declared:
If you wish to bloom for ever in incorruptible youth,
Found the city rich in fame opposite the isle of Proteus
Alexander Romance 1.33, from Greek trans. Stoneman (1991) p. 65. Alexander founded the city of Alexandria and built a Grand Altar on a hill near it. There Alexander sacrificed and prayed to the god Sarapis. When Alexander asked about his death, the god gave a lengthy reply that included, in some manuscripts, paradoxical lines on death:
Dying but not dying, you shall come to me.
…
You shall live in it
For all time, dead and yet not dead.
The city you have built shall be your tomb.
Id. For more general consideration of Alexander’s concern for immortality, Stoneman (2008), Chs. 8, 9.
[6] Inferno 34.1-3, trans. Esolen (2002) p. 351.
[7] Venantius Fortunatus, Vexilla regis prodeunt {Hymnus in Honore Sanctae Crucis / Hymn in honor of the Holy Cross}, from Latin trans. Walsh (2012) pp. 101, 103 (Hymn 21). Here’s the Latin text and online translation notes.
Another of Forunatus’s hymns, Pange Lingua Gloriosi Proelium Certaminis {Sing, tongue, the battle of glorious combat} has similar ideas and includes the figure of budding (cf. Inferno 34.26, fior):
Cross so faithful, tree of all trees
glorious, having no peer;
such a tree no forest brought forth
with such blossom, leaf, and bud;
sweet the wood, which with sweet nails
its sweet burden undergoes.{ Crux fidelis, inter omnes arbor una nobilis,
nulla talem silva profert flore, fronde, germine,
dulce lignum dulce clavo dulce pondus sustinens. }
Verse 8, from Latin trans. Walsh (2012) p. 99 (Hymn 20).
Barolini (2015) highlights the importance of transition in Canto 34:
Lucifer is for Dante the embodiment of transition in malo, of negative conversion. … Lucifer’s transition out of good and into evil is a trajectory that is crossed, in the chiasmic diegesis of Inferno 34, by Dante’s transition out of evil and into good.
The association of Satan-Lucifer and Alexander the Great competing to seize the terrain of eternal death further underscores Dante’s transition.
[image] Lucifer in the ninth circle of Hell in Dante’s Inferno. Gustave Doré, book illustration, made between 1861 and 1868. Thanks to Wikimedia Commons.
References:
Barolini, Teodolinda. 2015. “Inferno 34 : Satanic Physics and the Point of Transition.” Commento Baroliniano, Digital Dante. Center for Digital Research and Scholarship. New York, NY: Columbia University Libraries, 2015.
Esolen, Anthony M., trans. 2002. Dante Alighieri. The inferno. New York: Modern Library.
Jolly, William Thomas. 1968. The Alexandreid of Walter of Châtillon: a translation and commentary. Ph.D. Thesis, Tulane University.
Pritchard, Roger Telfryn, trans. 1986. Walter of Châtillon. The Alexandreis. Toronto, Ont., Canada: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies.
Stoneman, Richard, trans. 1991. Pseudo-Callisthenes. The Greek Alexander romance. London, England: Penguin Books.
Stoneman, Richard. 2008. Alexander the Great: a life in legend. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Townsend, David, trans. 2007. Walter of Châtillon. The Alexandreis: a twelfth-century epic. Peterborough, Ontario, Canada: Broadview Press.
Walsh, Peter G., ed. and trans., with Christopher Husch. 2012. One hundred Latin hymns Ambrose to Aquinas. Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library, vol. 18. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Wednesday’s flowers
