Alexander the Great’s lesson for men: do less, value being more

I pluck my twenty-stringed harp,
striking an octave cord;
and you just are, young Leucaspis.

{ ψάλλω δ᾿ εἴκοσι
χορδαῖσι μάγαδιν ἔχων,
ὦ Λεύκασπι, σὺ δ᾿ ἡβᾷς. }[1]

medieval-T-O-schematic of world

In the medieval European global schematic, Asia covered half the world, and Africa and Europe, each a quarter of the world. Alexander the Great, who had a keen sense of manhood, began his Asian journey of conquest by shooting an arrow into Asia. According to the twelfth-century Latin epic Alexandreis, Alexander told his generals that they could have Europe. Alexander declared that he wanted only Asia: “this one land is sufficient for me {michi sufficit una hec regio}.”[2] Learned medieval clerics would have immediately recalled God’s words to Saint Paul:

My grace is sufficient for you, for power is made perfect in weakness.

{ mihi sufficit tibi gratia, mea nam virtus in infirmitate perficitur }[3]

A Jewish Passover prayer recounts fifteen gifts of God. After each gift, the people recite the refrain “it would have been sufficient for us {דַּיֵּנוּ / Dayenu}. Alexander’s desire for glory, even if it had remained limited to just conquering Asia, contradicted Jewish-Christian gratitude and appreciation for God’s gifts. The fundamental issue transcends traditional Greco-Roman culture, Jewish understanding, and Christian belief. Men lacking appreciation for the beauty and wonder of their own masculine selves seek to achieve virtue in its oppressive, gynocentrically constructed sense. Men, as a result, lose their lives.

Like many men today, Alexander the Great grew up in difficult family circumstances. His mother Queen Olympias desperately wanted to have a child. The Egyptian pharaoh-magician Nectanebo, disguised as Macedonian street prophet, was brought in by a servant woman to help the queen. Nectanebo, who lusted after Olympias, proposed that she have sex with an incarnate God:

He is middle-aged. His hair is grey. He has ram’s horns above his temples. Therefore, prepare yourself as woman and queen for the marriage. You will see a vision and the god with you.

{ Τὴν μὲν ἡλικίαν μεσῆλιξ, πολιὸς τὴν χαίτην, κέρατα κριοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν κροτάφων ἔχων. [ὥστε ἑτοίμασον σαυτὴν ὡς γυνὴ καὶ βασιλίσσα πρὸς τοὺς γάμους,] καὶ θεωρήσεις ὄνειρον καὶ θεόν σοι συγγινόμενον. }[4]

That very night Nectanebo came to Olympias in his godly costume and had sex with her. Olympias apparently thoroughly enjoyed the experience. The next day, she said to Nectanebo:

I saw the god of whom you spoke to me. He came to me in person, laying aside his godhead. Now, therefore, I wish to lie with him when I am awake and it is day. Do you then arrange this.

{ Εἶδον ὃν εἶπές μοι θεόν, καὶ συνῆλθέν μοι καθὼς μάκαρ ἰδίως· ὥστε με καὶ βούλεσθαι γρηγοροῦσαν αὐτῷ κοινωνεῖν καθ´ ἡμέραν. σοὶ οὖν μελήσει καὶ τοῦτο. }[5]

Nectanebo asked Olympias to give him a room next to hers, so that he could make prayers to the god on her behalf. Nectanebo then had sex with Olympias as often as she wanted. Olympias became pregnant and gave birth to a son. That son was Alexander the Great. His cuckolded, nominal father King Philip was suspicious, because he had been on a trip and could not have contributed to the pregnancy. Nectanebo, however, partially succeeded in getting Philip to believe that Olympias’s pregnancy was the work of a god and that he should be grateful for it.

Alexander grew up with anxiety about who his father was. Philip noticed and remarked upon lack of resemblance between Alexander and him. Alexander himself surely also noticed this lack of resemblance. One day, Alexander led Nectanebo to a deep pit and pushed him in. Before Nectanebo died in the pit, he confessed to being Alexander’s father. According to the Alexandreis, Alexander as a twelve-year old declared:

Will I always be thought to be
Nectanebo’s offspring? Let no one call me bastard behind my back!

{ Semperne putabor
Nectanabi proles? Ut degener arguar absit! }[6]

Even at twelve, Alexander ardently sought to be a warrior. Fighting other men would serve as an outlet for his anxiety and anger about fatherhood.

Alexander failed to recognize the true goodness of being a man. Part of the problem was bad teaching. Alexander’s teacher Aristotle, who couldn’t even manage his relationship with the beautiful Phyllis, advised Alexander:

Do not grow soft
with wanton luxury; and let not break your breast
love, sickness of the mind, which takes its joy in murmured assignations.
If you devote time to Bacchus and Venus, though you subdue all else,
you have come beneath the victor’s yoke. In madness perishes
the freedom of an idle soul. The burning forge of Venus
dulls the mind. Brawls and wars start with
the rule of drunkenness, which buries reason in a vile tomb.
Those two {Bacchus and Venus} weaken even a strong character.
Scant will for pleasure should be with those
who legislate for humankind and hold the reigns of the world.

{ sed non te emolliat intus
Prodiga luxuries, nec fortia pectora frangat
Mentis morbus amor, latebris et murmure gaudens.
Si Bacho Venerique uacas, qui cetera subdis,
Sub iuga uenisti: periit delira uacantis
Libertas animi. Veneris flagrante camino
Mens hebet interius. rixas et bella moueri
Imperat et suadet rationis uile sepulchrum
Ebrietas. rigidos eneruant hec duo mores.
Parca uoluptates sit eis explere uoluntas
Qui leges hominum et mundi moderantur habenas. }[7]

Men should be taught better. Men have a human right to love. A glass of wine every now and then is no big deal. Shunning life’s true pleasures is foolish. Sing in joy and gratitude simply for the beautiful wonder of masculine being!

Alexander the Great deprived himself of his essential being through idolatrous striving. Alexander made himself into merely an instrument of violence against men. Lying in bed, gravely ill, Alexander expressed his hope for recovery: “I seek space not so much for life as for war {Me non tam uitae spacium, quam querere belli}.”[8] Alexander viewed his life  in terms of the socially constructed abstraction of glory:

Yet my mind is entirely unlike
your mind, nor do I wish to desist from what’s begun
or to conclude war. A lifespan does not contain me.
I measure myself neither by the space of the age nor its laws.
My glory exceeds this age’s measures.
By this alone I will to be the measure of your king.
Bastard spirits and ignoble hearts
believe the highest good is living a long life.
But I, the world’s one and only king, who count my triumphs
and not my years in thousands, if I correctly tally
Fortune’s gifts, and if I well contemplate my famous
deeds, I am already long-lived.

{ uerum non est michi prorsus
Mens ea que uobis, neque enim desistere ceptis
Aut bellum finire uolo. non me capit etas,
Sed neque me spacio etatis uel legibus eui
Metior. excedit eui mea gloria metas.
Hec sola est, uestrum metiri qua uolo regem.
Degeneres animi pectusque ignobile summum
Credunt esse bonum diuturna uiuere uita.
Sed mundi rex unus ego, qui mille tryumphos
Non annos uitae numero, si munera recte
Computo Fortunae uel si bene clara retractem
Gesta, diu uixi. }[9]

Medieval clerics knew well Isaiah’s words from God, “My thoughts are not like your thoughts.” They fully understood that the fundamental promise of God was abundant life — immortal life, and descendants as numerous as the stars in the sky.[10] Alexander the Great offered similar understanding, but with him in the position of God and conquest of space substituting for life.

Alexander aspired to be a god. He asked ascetic Indian philosophers how a man might become a god. They stated that a man becomes a god if he does something that men cannot do. That’s logically impossible. Another approach was for a man simply to start believing that he is a god, and to force others to assent to his divinity. According to the Alexandreis, that’s what Alexander did:

In addition, who could overlook his arrogating for his own father
the greatest Jove? He commanded belief that he was the offspring of Jove
and believed that he exceeded all humans in power.
A human who disdained his own humanity, it seemed a trifle
to him to be greatest among mortals.

{ Preterea quis pretereat summum sibi patrem
Vsurpasse Iouem? nam se genitum Ioue credi
Imperat et credit hominem transgressa potestas,
Seque hominem fastidit homo, minimumque uidetur
Esse sibi cum sit inter mortalia summus. }[11]

When a Roman goddess of war came to Alexander with instructions not to pursue and kill the fleeing king Darius, Alexander rebuked her fiercely:

Although a seven-walled tower shield Darius,
although churning all around with burning waves,
Acheron should protect his fortifications with its sulferous banks,
Fortune shall not snatch him from me.

{ Sed neque, si turris Darium septemplice muro
Includat, licet ardenti circumfluus unda
Sulphureis Acheron defendat menia ripis,
Eripiet Fortuna michi. }[12]

Medieval Christians believed that Jesus had descended into Hell to redeem the righteous. From that perspective, Alexander was willing to go to Hell to capture Darius.

Alexander’s acts were not only blasphemous to Christians, but also self-hating in a way in which men are particularly driven. At the end of the Alexandreis, the narrator observes:

At great danger to our souls,
while seeking wealth, while deceitful glory of things
flies on wings of vanity around our mortal eyes,
while grasping for fleeting honors now being sold,
we travel the fluctuating seas, and with hated lives,
commit head and goods into the tumid surge.

{ animae discrimine magno
Dum queruntur opes, dum fallax gloria rerum
Mortales oculos uanis circumuolat alis,
Dum petimus profugos qui nunc uenduntur honores,
Verrimus equoreos fluctus uitamque perosi
Et caput et merces tumidis committimus undis. }[13]

Alexander died an early death from poisoning. The poison within him might as well have been self-generated. Alexander serves as a warning for all men:

The Great One is an exemplum. For whom the world was insufficient space,
five feet of hewn marble buried in the earth
sufficed to make a tomb, in which that noble corpse
rested in scant soil.

{ Magnus in exemplo est. cui non suffecerat orbis,
Sufficit exciso defossa marmore terra
Quinque pedum fabricata domus, qua nobile corpus
Exigua requieuit humo. }[14]

Just being a man is sufficiently great for anyone. Alexander the Great lacked big understanding of his own nature.

there is great gain in godliness combined with contentment; for we have brought nothing into the world, and we can take nothing out of it. If we have food and clothing, with these we will be content.

{ ἔστιν δὲ πορισμὸς μέγας ἡ εὐσέβεια μετὰ αὐταρκείας
οὐδὲν γὰρ εἰσηνέγκαμεν εἰς τὸν κόσμον ὅτι οὐδὲ ἐξενεγκεῖν τι δυνάμεθα
ἔχοντες δὲ διατροφὰς καὶ σκεπάσματα τούτοις ἀρκεσθησόμεθα }[15]

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Notes:

[1] Anacreon, frag. 374, from Greek trans. West (1993) p. 105. Anacreon lived in the sixth-century BGC in Teos in the middle of the Mediterranean coast of present-day Turkey.

[2] Walter of Châtillon, Alexandreis 1.440-1, from Latin my translation. Here’s online Latin text of the Alexandreis.

[3] 2 Corinthians 12:9, with Latin text of the Vulgate. The Vulgate, the widely disseminated fourth-century translation by Jerome, was standard Christian bible in medieval Europe.

[4] Alexander Romance 1.4, Greek text of Kroll (1926) via Attalus, English translation from Attalus. The manuscript tradition of the Alexander Romance is diverse. Here’s Stoneman translation based on another Greek manuscript family:

He is middle-aged. His hair is grey. He has ram’s horns above his temples. Therefore, prepare yourself as woman and queen for the marriage. You will see a vision and the god with you.

Stoneman (1991) pp. 38-9.

[5] Alexander Romance 1.6, Greek text and English translation via Attalus. Stoneman’s Greek text is more explicitly ardent:

I beg you, prophet, make him make love to me again, and be sure to let me know in advance when he is coming, so that I may be better prepared for the bridegroom.

Trans. Stoneman (1991) p. 39. After the second night of sex with Nectanebo, Olympias asked him, “will the god come to me again? For it was very sweet with him.” Id 1.7, p. 40.

Middle-aged men should think carefully before attempting to imitate Nectanebo’s seduction game. Under current U.S. laws criminalizing men seducing women, Nectanebo could be charged with felony seduction or perhaps rape. Boccaccio’s story of Madonna Lisetta, Frate Alberto, and the Angel Gabriel shows other risks to men of enacting divine seduction.

[6] Alexandreis 1.46-7, my translation, drawing upon the fine translation of Townsend (2007) p. 34.

[7] Alexandreis 1.164-74, my translation, drawing upon Townsend (2007), Pritchard (1986), and Jolly (1968). Bacchus is associated with drunkenness, and Venus, with love. Here’s better advice of Aristotle to Alexander the Great.

My translations from the Alexandreis attempt to be close translations, with diction and lines that encourage the reader to explore the relation between the English and the Latin. All subsequent quotes from the Alexandreis are made in that way.

[8] Alexandreis 2.213.

[9] Alexandreis 9.551-62. Alexander’s references to space (spacio) for time emphasize his orientation to measuring life in spatial conquest.

[10] Isaiah 55:8 (my thoughts are not like your thoughts); John 10:10, 3:16, Romans 6:23 (promise of eternal life); Genesis 22:17, 26:4 (descendants as numerous as the stars).

[11] Alexandreis 3.253-7. On Alexander’s questions to the ascetic Indian philosophers (gymnosophists / “naked” philosophers), Plutarch, Parallel Lives, Life of Alexander 64.9. That same question of Alexander to the gymnosophists about how a man can become a god is also preserved in Berlin papyrus 13044, from Greek trans. Stoneman (2012) p. 78.

[12] Alexandreis 5.252-5. Acheron signifies the traditional Greco-Roman understanding of the underworld / world of the dead. The Persian Bessus led a coup that killed Darius. Alexander then determinedly pursued Bessus. The Alexandreis declares of Alexander in pursuit of Bessus:

he did not cease his enormous and painful labors
in serving as Fate’s worldly hammer

{ nec destitit ille laborum
Prodigus et patiens fatalis malleus orbis }

Alexandreis 8.337-8. A hammer is an instrument that delivers blows by taking blows. Men deserve better than being used as hammers.

[13] Alexandreis 10.436-41. Similarly, 8.332-4. The Scythians offer a counter-exemplum:

The free people of Scythia desires nothing more than
what our first parent Nature has given. By that munificence,
no one serves power or commands desire.
Each person being her own law, protecting herself,
content with her possessions, seeking no one else’s,
produces beatitude. If more than this you seek,
your will exceeds the boundary that defines the end of beautitude.

{ Libera gens Scitiae nichil appetit ulterius quam
Prima parens Natura dedit, de munere cuius
Nec cuiquam seruire potest nec ut imperet optat.
Esse sui iuris hominem, sua seque tueri,
Contentum esse suis, alienum nolle, beatum
Efficiunt. igitur si quid quesiueris ultra,
Excedunt tua uota modum finemque beati. }

Alexandreis 8.409-15.

[14] Alexandreis 10.448-51. John of Hauville’s Architrenius (The Arch-Lamenter), which John finished in 1184, frequently refers to the Alexandreis. Regarding the death of Alexander, the Architrenius declares:

O unrestrained presumption, ambition incapable
of moderating its hopes, by desire to command
so tormented that it envies a world ruled only by its gods.
But glory attains no certain result: the Great Alexander
is contained in a little urn, he who had thirsted for worlds.

{ O nimis excurrens presumptio, nescia votis
Ambicio preferre modum, que sola iubendi
Anxia diis solis regnantibus invidet orbem.
Fixum non habuit successum gloria: Magnum
Parvula, qui mundos siciebat, sorbuit urna. }

Architrenius 6.485-7, Latin text and English translation (with my minor changes) from Wetherbee (1994).

As depicted in the Alexandreis, Alexander the Great certainly isn’t “the greatest possible human being.” Cf. Lafferty (2011) p. 198. Kratz interprets the Alexandreis as “a clever and biting attack upon the desire for glory as vain and foolish.” Kratz (1980) p. 155. The poem ends with a triumphal dedication to Walter’s patron, William of the White Hands, Archbishop of Reims:

Surviving and living on with his poet,
William’s glory shall not die until the end.

{ uiuet cum uate superstes
Gloria Guillermi nullum moritura per euum. }

Alexandreis 10.468-9. Walter and William apparently had a complex relationship. A thirteenth-century biographical gloss (in BNP MS lat. 8358, fol. 91v, translated and discussed in Townsend (2007) pp. 12-4) discusses sexual relationships and intrigue in a message to the Pope. Kratz insightfully perceives irony in the concluding triumphal proclamation. Kratz (1980) p. 155. Kratz also rightly indicates in the Alexandreis the importance of the Consolation of Philosophy, which is marital pleasure. Id., passim.

The Alexandreis surely is more than merely a negative exemplum or a mocking of Alexander. The Alexandreis engages with the epic problem of man-hating Amazons and poetically resolves it. Walter’s readers would have appreciated that effort, as should readers today. The Alexandreis also artfully addresses conceptual limitations in historical interpretation. Lafferty (1998). For a brief review of other recent scholarly interpretations of the Alexandreis, Lafferty (2011) pp. 197-9.

[15] 1 Timothy 6:6-8. Compare the narrator’s address to Alexander:

Forever you will be a pauper. A soul lacking nothing
is produced not by things but by sufficiency. Even
a little, if sufficient, lacks nothing.

{ Semper egenus eris. animum nullius egentem
Non res efficiunt sed sufficientia. quamuis
Sit modicum, si sufficiat, nullius egebis. }

Alexandreis 10.195-7.

[image] Medieval T-O world map schematic. In the inner circle, Asia is on top, Africa in the bottom right, and Europe (Evropa) on the bottom left. From a twelfth-century Latin manuscript of Isidore of Seville’s Etymologies. British Library (record number: c5933-06) Royal 12 F. IV, f.135v. Thanks to Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Jolly, William Thomas. 1968. The Alexandreid of Walter of Châtillon: a translation and commentary. Ph.D. Thesis, Tulane University.

Kratz, Dennis M. 1980. Mocking epic: Waltharius, Alexandreis, and the problem of Christian heroism. Madrid, España: J.P. Turanzas.

Kroll, Wilhelm, ed. 1926. Psuedo-Callisthenes. Historia Alexandri Magni. Berlin: Weidmann.

Lafferty, Maura K. 1998. Walter of Châtillon’s Alexandreis: epic and the problem of historical understanding. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols. {revised version of her Ph.D. Thesis, University of Toronto, 1992}

Lafferty, Maura. 2011. “Walter of Châtillon’s Alexandreis.” Ch. 8 (pp. 177-99) in Zuwiyya, Z. David. A companion to Alexander literature in the Middle Ages. Leiden: Brill.

Pritchard, Roger Telfryn, trans. 1986. Walter of Châtillon. The Alexandreis. Toronto, Ont., Canada: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies.

Stoneman, Richard, trans. 1991. Pseudo-Callisthenes. The Greek Alexander romance. London, England: Penguin Books.

Stoneman, Richard, trans. 2012. Legends of Alexander the Great. London: I.B. Tauris.

Townsend, David, trans. 2007. Walter of Châtillon. The Alexandreis: a twelfth-century epic. Peterborough, Ontario, Canada: Broadview Press. (review of earlier edition)

Wetherbee, Winthrop. 1994. Johannes de Hauvilla. Architrenius. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

West, M. L. 1993. Greek lyric poetry: the poems and fragments of the Greek iambic, elegiac, and melic poets (excluding Pindar and Bacchylides) down to 450 B.C. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Luxorius on women’s desire to compete with men

woman competes with man

Sex typically delimits sharply status competition in non-human animals. Females compete with other females to determine the female status hierarchy. Males compete with other males to establish the male status hierarchy. Inter-sex competition is much less intense. In a female-male conflict, an individual male might prevail over a female, but overall social life is organized to favor female welfare.

Especially in poetry, humans create more complex individual interactions. From the time of the ancient Greeks, epic poetry has struggled with the poetic problem of Amazons who act like men and hate men. In early sixth-century Roman North Africa, the poet Luxorius apparently addressed women who desire more to compete with men than to have pleasurable sex with men:

To a girl woman-man

Two-organed monster of the female sex,
whom driving lust turns into a man,
why don’t you enjoy having your cunt fucked wildly?
Why does impotent pleasure deceive you?
You don’t do, nor allow your cunt to be done.
When you offer that part that proves you are a woman,
then you will be my girl.

{In puellam hermaphroditam

Monstrum feminei bimembre sexus,
quam coacta virum facit libido,
quae gaudet futui furente cunno
cur te <de>cipit inpotens voluptas?
non des quo pateris facisque, cunnum.
illam qua mulier probaris esse
partem cum dederis, puella tunc <s>is.} [1]

Luxorius is a poet who requires a reader “proficient in decoding hidden meanings.”[2] In this poem, two-organed connects literally to the titular reference to being hermaphroditic. But the title may not have been original to the poem.[3] In any case, two-organed more allusively suggests genitals and brain. Lust encompasses not just sex, but also power and prestige. The key to the overall sense of the poem is the fourth line:

Cur te decipit inpotens voluptas?

The phrase inpotens voluptas (“impotent pleasure”) indicates pleasure not associated with vigorous sexual intercourse between the male narrator and the female addressee. In this poetic context, impotent pleasure seems to mean intellectual competition for power and prestige. In short, the male narrator is chiding the female addressee for her intellectual striving with him. He is also declaring to her that they can interact in a more truly pleasurable way.

Luxorius’s poetry apparently was widely read in early sixth-century north Africa. A surviving poem lauds Luxorius:

Against the ancient poets, Luxorius, the win certainly goes to you:
For surely your poem has carried forth a double victory.

{Priscos, Luxori, certum est te vincere vates:
Carmen namque tuum duplex Victoria gestat.} [4]

Circumstances now are rather different. Today’s ruling authorities probably would not permit Luxorius’s poem on the “two-organed monster” to be discussed on university campuses or printed in intellectually dominant publications. But at least until further crackdowns on free thought and free expression occur, you still have the liberty to think about it in the privacy of your home.

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Notes:

[1] Anthologia Latina 312 (Riese 317) (Luxorius, In puellam hermaphroditam), Latin text from Riese & Shackleton Bailey (1982) p. 254, my English translation. A Latin text with English translation is in Rosenblum (1961) pp. 130-1 (poem 31). The Anthologia Latina has survived in only one manuscript: Codex Salmasianus, Prisinus 10318, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. Reise & Shackleton Bailey (1982) currently provides the best critical edition of the Latin text.

The poem, addressed “to a young woman hermaphroditus {In puellam hermaphroditam},” could be contrasting vaginal sex and anal sex. Luxorius, however, was a sophisticated poet writing in circumstances of intense poetic competition. Interpreting the two organ to be brain and vagina makes for a more sophisticated poem. Such an interpretation is consistent with actual circumstances and other Latin poetry.

My translation tracks closely Rosenblum’s, but doesn’t bowdlerize the poetry. Here’s Rosenblum’s translation:

To a Hermaphroditic Girl

Two-organed monster of the female sex, whom enforced lust turns into a man, why do you not enjoy the normal way of making love? Why does violent, vain pleasure deceive you? You do not give that with which you are passive and also active. When you offer that part of you which proves that you are a female, then you may be a girl.

Id. p. 131. In excising earthy references to genitals, Rosenblum makes the poem much less lively. Moreover, the central concern of the poem surely isn’t ontological (“then you may be a girl”). The Latin supports either “a girl” or “my girl.” The latter is vastly preferable.

In an award-winning book, Boswell provided a poor-quality translation:

You, strange mixture of the female gender,
Whom driving lust makes a male,
Who loves to fuck with your crazed cunt,
Why has pointless desire seized you?
You do not give what you get, though you service a cunt.
When you have given that part by which you are judged a woman,
Then you will be a girl.

Boswell (1980) p. 185. The initial, second-person address seems to me to betray the subtly of the Latin. As a translation for monstrum bimembre, “strange mixture” is loose and vague. Moreover, virum isn’t a male; it’s an adult male human being, i.e. a man.

In addition to other translation weaknesses, Boswell records the fourth line in Latin as Cur te ceperit inpotens uoluptas? Both Riese (1894), p. 262, and Rosenblum (1961), p. 198-9, which were available to Boswell, have the reading Cur te decipit inpotens voluptas? That follows Burman’s eighteenth-century emendment of the manuscript reading quur te cepit inpotens voluptas. Boswell provides no indication of or justification for replacing the standard reading decipit with ceperit. The former reading seems to me preferable in relation to the overall meaning of the poem. Respect for textual correctness would require at least noting a ideosyncratic emendment. Boswell declares, “the poem certainly is about lesbianism.” Id. That’s certainly wrong.

Art Beck, an independent intellectual, has been a leader in proclaiming the poetic merit of Luxorius. Here’s his translation:

Hermaphroditic Girl

As if you were a double-organed
monsterwoman who, rather than joyfully
stuffing herself
when she gets excited,
can’t help her compulsive erection.

Why do you hide behind that frantic
pretend pleasure? You never really
give your cunt, neither open up nor squeeze.
If you want to prove you’re a grown up woman,
quit playing the role and be my girl.

Beck (2012) p. 79. Beck declares, “these are interpretative translations and not intended as authoritative, i.e. my purpose was aesthetic, not scholarly.” Id. p. 16. Beck seems to me to have best conveyed the sense of the underlying Latin text. My translation attempts to provide more scholarly fidelity to the Latin text and to convey that sense.

[2] Wasyl (2011) p. 219.

[3] Rosenblum (1961) pp. 65-9. The title has a paradoxical element. Luxorius frequently used paradox. Wasyl (2011) p. 219. I have highlighted paradoxical meaning in my English translation of the title.

[4] Anthologia Latina 24 (Riese 37) (De titulo Luxorii cum versibus), Latin text from Riese & Shackleton Bailey (1982) p. 51, my translation. Rosemblum (1961), p. 38, notes that Luxorius’s contemporary Coronatus also praised him.

Learned readers largely haven’t appreciated Luxorius. Palmer (1962) condemned Luxorius for “insipidly scabrous poems.” According to Palmer, Luxorius’s poetry was a “shallow pond” that “better remained in obscurity.” Wasyl (2011), Part III, however, provides compelling scholarly vindication for Beck’s appreciation of Luxorius.

[image] Etiud golovki (Head study), detail. Photograph by Sergeĭ Mikhaĭlovich Prokudin-Gorskiĭ, between 1905 and 1915. Item LC-P87- 7293 [P&P] LOT 10333, LC-DIG-prokc-21657 (digital color composite from digital file from glass negative). U.S. Library of Congress, no known restrictions on publication.

References:

Beck, Art, trans. 2012. Luxorius. Opera omnia or, a Duet for Sitar and Trombone. Los Angeles: Otis Books | Seismicity Editions.

Boswell, John. 1980. Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality: Gay People in Western Europe from the Beginning of the Christian Era to the Fourteenth Century. Chicago; London: University of Chicago Press. 35th Anniversary Edition, 2015.

Rosenblum, Morris. 1961. Luxorius: a Latin poet among the Vandals; together with a text of the poems and an English translation. New York: Columbia University Press.

Palmer, Robert E.A.  1962. Review. Rosenblum. Luxorius: A Latin Poet Among the Vandals. The Classical World 55 (9): 296.

Riese, Alexander, and David R. Shackleton Bailey. 1982. Anthologia latina: sive poesis latinae supplementum. Pars. 1. Carmina in codicibus scripta. Fasc. 1. Libri Salmasiani aliorumque carmina. Stutgardiae: In aedibus Teubneri. Online prior edition Riese (1894).

Wasyl, Anna Maria. 2011. Genres rediscovered: studies in Latin miniature epic, love elegy, and epigram of the Romano-Barbaric age. Krakow: Jagiellonian University Press.

privileged women promoted men’s education in medieval Islamic world

princess with prince

Under the heading of gender equality and development, international organizations today prioritize educating women and girls. That makes about as much sense as prioritizing violence against women. In the medieval Islamic world, highly privileged women promoted men’s education.

Princess Ismah was a highly privileged woman in the medieval Islamic world. The daughter of a sultan, she married Caliph al-Mustazhir about 1108 GC. Two years after that marriage, she took up residence with the Caliph in the Caliphal Palace in Baghdad. She apparently was in no rush to be with her husband, nor he, with her. She was known as a “highly intelligent woman, an aristocrat and a virago.”[1] One suspects that the Caliph married a virago for the political power she brought to him, the nominal ruler of the Islamic world.

Princess Ismah made an important contribution to men’s higher education. After Caliph al-Mustazhir died, she returned to her native city of Isfahan in present-day Iran. There she founded a law college. In a work written shortly before 1258 GC, the Baghdadi historian Ibn al-Sa’i, who had served as the librarian of two great law colleges in Baghdad, noted of the law college that Princess Ismah founded in Isfahan:

This was the biggest law college in the world. She endowed it for the followers of Abu Hanifah — God show him mercy. I hear that nowadays it has become very run-down — it has no door and is uninhabitable.

Perhaps her law college grew too quickly. Like all bureaucracies, colleges have difficulty in making sustainable growth choices. Nonetheless, Princess Ismah deserves credit for her contribution to men’s higher education.[2]

Princess Saljuqi was another highly privileged woman in the medieval Islamic world. She was the daughter of the ruler of Anatolia. She married Caliph al-Nasir in 1186 GC. Right after her betrothal to him, he brought her to live with him:

He then sent an escort to bring her to Baghdad, consummated the marriage, and gave her priceless jewels and gifts fit for caliphs and kings. [3]

Unfortunately, Princess Saljuqi died two years later. The Caliph was devastated:

Al-Nasir was so grief-stricken at her passing that he could not eat or drink for days. For many years her house was left just as it was, with all of its draperies and furnishings intact; it was never opened, nor was anything ever taken from it.

Princess Ismah’s law college was different from Princess Saljuqi’s house. Love didn’t sustain the law college.

The site of Princess Saljuqi’s grave became an institution for public education. A mausoleum was completed for her only after her burial. The completed mausoleum included a public library:

A library of valuable books was installed there by bequest in perpetuity, to be lent against a deposit.

The most important learning for men is women’s love for them. The library at Princess Saljuqi’s mausoleum is a poignant monument to men’s education. Elite women across the world should consider establishing such libraries at their gravesites.

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Notes:

[1] Ibn al-Sāʿī, Consorts of the Caliphs, entry for Ismah Khatun, from Arabic trans. Toorawa (2015) p. 105. The subsequent quote is from id. On the two-year delay between marriage and co-residence, id. p. 153, n. 90.

[2] Women may have also studied at the law college. Women probably borrowed books from the library at Princess Saljuqi’s mausoleum. The focus of this post, however, is men’s education.

[3] Consorts of the Caliphs, entry for Saljuqi Khatun, trans. Toorawa (2015) p. 117. The subsequent two quotes are from id. Next to Princess Saljuqi’s mausoleum, Caliph al-Nasir established for Sufis “a splendid lodge with a large inner court”:

He had a pleasant orchard planted in front of it, overlooking the Tigris and irrigated by a waterwheel that drew from the river. … He also arranged for someone to perform the hajj every year on her behalf; for quantities of alms to be handed out on the pilgrimage route to Mecca, including water, provisions, clothing, sandals, and medicine for the sick; and for a number of devout and virtuous persons to be sent on the hajj.

Id. pp. 117-8. Princess Saljuqi was memorialized not just with concern for men’s education, but also with Islamic piety and care for the poor, the sick, and pilgrims.

[image] Princess and prince embracing. Manuscript illumination, Iran, c. 1550. Item S1986.295, Sackler Gallery of Art, Washington, DC. Thanks to Freer|Sackler Open F|S.

Reference:

Toorawa, Shawkat M., ed. 2015. Ibn al-Sāʿī . Consorts of the Caliphs: Women and the Court of Baghdad. New York, London: Library of Arabic Literature.

love poetry of slave girl Mahbubah for her owner caliph al-Mutawakkil

About 1150 years ago in what’s now Iraq, the caliph al-Mutawakkil received as a gift four hundred slave girls. He loved above all others Mahbubah. She was a poet and singer, with a beautiful face and voice. Her name means “beloved.”

young woman beauty

One day, al-Mutawakkil was drinking with Mahbubah. He gave her an apple perfumed with an expensive musk blend. She kissed the apple and then departed. Soon one of Mahbubah’s slaves returned with a piece of paper. The paper contained a poem as sensuous as the scented apple:

You — fragrance of an apple I had to myself —
you ignite in me the fire of ecstasy.
I weep and complain of my malady,
and of my grief’s intensity.
If an apple could weep, then the one I hold
would shed such tears of pity.
If you do not know what my soul has suffered,
look, the proof is my body.
If you gaze upon it, you will see
one unable to suffer patiently. [1]

Everyone found those verses “utterly delightful.” The caliph ordered the verses set to music. That was the only song sung for the rest of the day.

A highly privileged slave girl, who herself owned slaves, passionately urged her owner to gaze upon her body. Such circumstances explode the minds of present-day men-hating academics. But wives, you might enjoy trying such poetry with your husbands.

Caliph al-Mutawakkil appreciated other women’s beauty. One day upon a visit to the woman poet Qabihah, he found that she had written his name on her cheek using an expensive blend of musk perfume. Al-Mutawakkil said to ‘Ali, his close friend and confidant:

‘Ali, I’ve never seen anything more beautiful than that streak of black against her white cheek. Go ahead and compose a poem for me about that!

Mahbubah had been sitting behind a curtain in the same room and heard what her beloved al-Mutawakkil had said. Before ‘Ali managed to make any progress on the requested poem, Mahbubah improvised the following verses:

She wrote “Ja’far” in musk on her cheek,
how lovely that streak where the musk left its mark!
On her face she wrote just one line,
but she etched many more on my heart.
Who can help a master in thrall to his slave,
subservient in his heart, but plain to see,
Or one whose secret desire is Ja’far —
may he drink his fill from your lips! [2]

Al-Mutawakkil’s given name was Ja’far. In sympathy with her owner’s love for another woman, Mahbubah wrote the first four lines in his voice. The next two lines are from an objective, third-person perspective. The last two lines sympathize with the other woman, Qabihah. Mahbubah addressed to Qabihah a prayer that she experience passionate intimacy with al-Mutawakkil. That’s astonishingly big-hearted generosity, as difficult to imagine today as the big-hearted generosity of Bacchis and Colophon.

Mahbubah remained loyal to al-Mutawakkil even after he was assassinated. Al-Mutawakkil’s Turkic chamberlain Wasif, who was a eunuch and an enslaved soldier who rose to become a general, participated in the assassination. One day after al-Mutawakkil has been killed, Wasif ordered that the court slaves be displayed for him:

They arrived in all their splendor, adorned, perfumed, and dressed in brightly colored clothes bedecked with jewels, except for Muhbubah, who came dressed in plain mourning white and not wearing any makeup.

Wasif and the slaves sang, drank, and enjoyed themselves. But as a eunich, Wasif probably didn’t enjoy himself with the slave girls in a way that al-Mutawakkil had. Wasif ordered Mahbubah to sing. Sobbing, she took a lute and sang:

What sweetness does life hold for me
when I cannot see Ja’far?
A king I saw with my own eyes
murdered, rolled in the dust.
The sick and the sorrowful,
they can all heal;
But not Mahbubah —
if she saw death for sale,
She would give everything she has to buy it
and join him in the grave.
For the bereaved, death is sweeter than life.

The slave girl Mahbubah loved her former owner, the assassinated caliph al-Mutawakkil, with loyalty that transcended death. She was a strong, independent woman who sang a declaration of political rebellion. Infuriated, Wasif was about to order Mahbubah killed. But Wasif’s co-commander asked for her. He received her and freed her. She left the city and died in isolation and grief.

For her amazing love, Mahbubah deserves to be remembered and celebrated.

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Notes:

[1] Toorawa (2015) p. 79. All the quotes and narrative details are from id. pp. 77-83.

[2] In the ancient Islamic world, poets competed aggressively with each other for acclaim. Slave girls’ poetic skill sometimes overwhelmed their attractiveness. For example, the poet Ibn Abi Tahir visited the slave girl Nabt. He noted, “She had a lovely face and voice.” But her skillful capping of poetic lines humiliated Ibn Abi Tahir. He got up and left. Id. p. 93. The most highly intelligent women know how to use their intelligence intelligently.

[image] Young woman with a spray of lilies. Painting. 16th century Iran. Item F1932.64, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, DC. Thanks to Freer|Sackler Open F|S.

Reference:

Toorawa, Shawkat M., ed. 2015. Ibn al-Sāʿī . Consorts of the Caliphs: Women and the Court of Baghdad. New York, London: Library of Arabic Literature.