true sexual love for less than a quarter of Asian-Pacific men

true sexual love

A widely reported United Nations survey recently found that less than a quarter of men in Asia-Pacific have experienced true sexual love.  Around the world, men have shorter expected lifespans than women and experience more injuries from violence than do women.  Medieval European literature testifies to the extent of violence against men, including violence against men’s genitals.  In the U.S. today, men are imprisoned for no action of their own other than having consensual sex of reproductive type.  Given social suppression of public discussion of injustices against men, one might hope that at least men personally experience true sexual love.  Sadly, a large majority of men in Asia-Pacific apparently have never experienced that profoundly human love.

The widely reported United Nations survey appears to be just another study propagating hate rape, but close examination reveals that it actually has positive public value.  The basic strategy of the survey is to ask men and women different, leading questions outside of a criminal context and then interpret their answers in terms of men’s culpability for raping women under criminal law.  Lack of respect for a speaker’s understanding of her own words and the context of those words is a common form of symbolic violence.  The survey asked each man surveyed whether he:

Had sexual intercourse with his partner when he knew she didn’t want it but believed that she should agree because she was his wife/partner [1]

If the man answered yes to that question, the survey categorized the man as a rapist.  The study thus garnered sensational headlines in many news sources around the world.  The Guardian of Britain headlined: “Nearly quarter of men in Asia-Pacific admit to committing rape.”  None of the men surveyed actually admitted to committing rape.[2]  They may have just answered yes to the above question.

The world would be a more loving place if all heterosexual men with a wife/partner believed that she loved him in a way that encompassed sexual self-sacrifice.  The United Nations’ implicit model of sexuality is bartered mutual masturbation.  The couple has sex only when “it’ — meaning sex, that thing mutually exchanged — is in each of their individual interests.  It’s an arms-length deal.  Sex, in a radically different understanding, expresses freely given gift of person, including one’s physical body.  A man who experiences that gift may well have had sex with his partner when she didn’t want to have sex.  She and he would rightly believe that in such circumstances she should and would agree to have sex because she had freely given herself to him.  She would expect the same of him.  Less than a quarter of men in Asia-Pacific have experienced this true sexual love.

Hatred toward men deprives men and women of true sexual love and destroys states, communities, and families.  Love cannot be built upon ignoring violence against men and encouraging the violence of criminally punishing men.  Top United Nations’ officials introducing the survey declared:

Changing cultures toward zero tolerance for violence against women, therefore, must be a priority for States, communities and families.

Is zero tolerance for violence against men conceivable?  The answer clearly is no.  Make no mistake, enforcing regimes of zero tolerance requires tyrannical violence.[3]  War has long been organized as men-on-men violence.  The United Nations vigorously promotes zero tolerance for violence against women and silently promotes the entrenched historical regime of violence against men.  The United Nations replaces the basic human need for true sexual love with the highly cultured satisfaction of propagating hate rape against men.

Propagating hate rape against men has become big business in international society.  Men and women should fear themselves more than they fear others.  Who dares speak out against hate rape?  You should.[4]  More men and women in Asia-Pacific and around the world deserve to experience true sexual love.

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Notes:

[1] Fulu et al. (2013) p. 20.  The corresponding question for women asked whether she:

Had sexual intercourse when she did not want to because she was afraid of what partner might do

A man who believed that his wife/partner truly loved him might be profoundly disillusioned if she continually refused to have sex with him because she didn’t want to.  He might respond by killing himself, slowly and indirectly through alcohol and drugs, or immediately and directly in violent suicide.  Alternatively, he might leave his wife/partner and find another who loved him as he understood that he deserved to be loved.  A woman, not wanting to have sex but fearing that her partner might do such things, might for that reason have sex with him.  The United Nations categorizes the man in this situation as a rapist.

[2] Id. p. 22:

The word ‘rape” was not used in the questionnaire, rather it was operationalized by responses to questions on specific acts.

Rape in civilized countries is a crime legally defined through democratic lawmaking and judged under due process of law.  The survey administrators defined rape apart from any democratic process and judged rape based on non-testimonial statements not made public.  Any person willing to participate in administering such a survey thereby lacks credibility as an civilized, unbiased judge of rape.  Widely reported “findings” such as “Nearly quarter of men in Asia-Pacific admit to committing rape” also misrepresent the survey scope:

The study sample in no way represents the whole Asia-Pacific region.

Id. p. 21.

[3] Among “items used to measure intimate partner violence,” the survey counted “emotional abuse.”  The following question indicated that a man emotional abused a woman:

Insulted his partner or deliberately made her feel bad about herself.

The corresponding question for women concerned her feelings about a man’s actions:

Was insulted or made to feel bad about herself.

Id. p. 20.  Zero tolerance for such “intimate partner violence” cannot be achieved without enormous state-sponsored violence and grotesque tyranny.

[4] The title of the United Nations report on the survey is “Why Do Some Men Use Violence Against Women and How Can We Prevent It?”  The originally proposed title probably referred to “men” rather than “some men.”  The “we” implicitly seems to mean “we women leaders of the matriarchy who direct men to commit violence against other men.”  None of the supportive men likely had courage to object.  But a courageous woman probably objected, “My husband is a very loving, gentle person.  He doesn’t use violence against women.  That title is unfair to him.”  Despite vicious looks, sneers, and insults, she persisted in asserting what she knew to be true.  The junta directing the report resolved to dispose of the women’s objection by changing “men” to “some men” in the report’s title.  A proposal to change “women” to “some women” was probably curtly dismissed as offensive to women.

[image] Loving Couple, Mithuna, 13th century, Orissa, India. Eastern Ganga dynasty, thanks to Wikipedia and shibainu.

Reference:

Fulu, Emma, Xian Warner, Stephanie Miedema, Rachel Jewkes, Tim Roselli, and James Lang. 2013. Why Do Some Men Use Violence Against Women and How Can We Prevent It? Quantitative Findings from the United Nations Multi-Country Study on Men and Violence in Asia and the Pacific. Bangkok:  United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women), and United Nations Volunteers (UNV).

ridiculing the learned measures intellectual development

About a millennium ago, Baghdad was probably the largest city on earth and arguably the center of the most advanced human civilization.  Elites in Baghdad viewed contemptuously low-status groups such as school teachers, weavers, and Bedouins.  Surviving classical Arabic texts disparage and ridicule “the common folks, the scum, the plebeians and the servile class.”[1]  But classical Arabic texts even more frequently disparage and ridicule the learned elite.[2]  Hypocrisy, affectation, solemnity, and self-interested rationalization are universal propensities of human intellectual development.  More ridicule of the learned indicates a higher state of intellectual development.

Linguistic style is a means for signifying group affiliation and class distinctions.  One classical Arabic text approvingly observes that a scholar avoided using Arabic words of Persian origin even when speaking Arabic to his cook.[3]  But another text transmitted the humorously didactic anecdote:

I once stopped at a carpenter’s, and asked, “What is the price that this pair of doors costeth?” He retorted, “Two pieces of shitteth, oh you idioteth.” Then I swore never to talk to a common man in an unfitting manner. [4]

This anecdote extends learning in decorum to addressing the common man.  In ordinary speaking, the elite apparently did not use classical Arabic “so as to avoid being classified as a tiresome and insufferable individual.”[5]  An alternative was to be self-consciously a learned clown like al-Haysa Baysa.

Social status and learning were ridiculed as excuses for rapaciousness.  A man who attempted to invoke his impeccable religious lineage was bluntly rebuffed from below:

A descendant of Ali {Ali ibn Abi Talib} smuggled a prostitute into his house. When he wanted {to have intercourse with} her, she said: “The money {first}!” He said: “Come off it, woe unto you; I am a relative of God’s Messenger, peace be upon him!” She replied: “Stop that! You should opt for the whores of Qumm; this won’t sell with the whores of Baghdad!” [6]

Another anecdote recounts the story of a professional Qur’an reader and a woman who paid him a loaf of bread to recite over her dead son’s grave:

The man recites: “The day when they will be pulled, faces downward, towards hellfire. Taste the touch of Hell!” {Quran 54:48}  Utterly indignant, the woman reproaches him that this is perhaps not precisely the appropriate passage for recital over a grave. The man answers: “Why, what do you expect for a loaf of bread? ‘Reclining on cushions with a brocaded trimming’?! {Quran 55:54} That costs a dirham!” [7]

Elite status that means little more than privileged access to sex and money gets reduced with ridicule.

Ridicule also serves to regulate bogus learning.  Religious scholars who pretended to know it all and proscribe on that basis were asked to give a legal opinion on a specific person’s genitals.[8]  Learning that can easily be mocked will be:

So one day, when {that pretensious religious thinker} asked him, “What do you say, may God bring you happiness, on the terminal point of the annihilation of delusions at the prime of closeness to the reaching of the final goals?”,  Husayn replied: “This is part of {the issue of} the existence of the closeness of conditionality in the manner of aspectuality, by which mutual negation and affinity take place with neither encounter nor separation.”  Then the man said: “This will require some consideration and deduction.” And he replied: “Just think it over, for we have found rest at last.” [9]

So it was in Baghdad about a millennium ago.  So it is today in other centers of civilization.  Ridiculing the learned isn’t just fun.  It’s a necessary aspect of intellectual development.

Peter Coffin, Untitled (Spiral Staircase)

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Notes:

[1] Szombathy (2004) p. 94, ft. 5, quoting al-Washsha, Muwashshà, 194-6.  All quotations are Szombathy’s English translations of Arabic sources.

[2] Id. p. 95.

[3] Id. p. 110, ft. 46, citing al-Zajjaji, Amâlî, 14.

[4] Id. p. 96, quoting ibn al-Jawzi, Zirâf, 125.

[5] Id. p. 110, quoting al-Sûlî, Adah, 130.

[6] Id. p. 112, ft. 49, quoting Tawhidi, Akhlàq, 365.

[7] Id. pp. 101-2, ft. 21, quoting ibn al-Jawzï, Zirâf, 14.

[8] Id pp. 108-9, ft. 40, quoting al-Raghib, Muhâdarât, II, 11.

[9] Id. p. 110, quoting al-Tawhidi, Basa’ir, I, ii: 183-4.

[image] My photograph of Peter Coffin, Untitled (Spiral Staircase) 2007, installed on the Hirshhorn Plaza through Oct. 6, 2013.

Reference:

Szombathy, Zoltan. 2004. “Ridiculing the Learned: Jokes about the Scholarly Class in Mediaeval Arabic Literature.” Al-Qantara XXV, 1  pp. 93-117.

Petrus Alfonsi on love and sharing knowledge

In his Letter to the peripatetics of France {Epistola ad peripatetics in Francia}, early twelfth-century philosopher and physician Petrus Alfonsi described love and sharing as being at the center of scholarly practice.  To his fellow Christian philosophers, Alfonsi presented this ideal of scholarly collegiality:

Since it is proper that all those who have drunk of any philosophical nectar love each other, and that anyone who might have anything rare, precious, and useful which is unknown to others should impart it generously to others, so that in this way everyone’s knowledge may both grow and be extended in time:  We then, wishing to observe this law, have been zealous to present something sweet and delicious to you who test through experience.

{ Quoniam omnes quocumque philosophico nectare potatos alterutrum se diligere, et si rarum quicquam preciosum et utile ceteris autem incognitum quis habeat, iustum est et honestum benigne aliis impartire, ut sic cuiusque scientia et crescat et amplificetur in horas. Nos quippe legem hanc seruare uolentes diligenter inuestigare studuimus si quid huiusmodi haberemus quod ut dulce ac deliciosum uobis experientibus presentare possemus. }[1]

Born a Jew in Muslim Spain, Petrus Alfonsi knew Hebrew, the Bible, and the Talmud.  His name given at birth was Moshe.  He learned Arabic and studied the leading science and literature of the Islamic world.  In 1106 in Huesca, the seat of the Spanish Christian ruler Alfonso I of Aragon, Moshe converted to Christianity.  He then adopted the name Petrus Alfonsi.  By 1116, Alfonsi was living in England.  There he taught astrology and perhaps offered medical services to King Henry I of England.  Alfonsi subsequently moved to northern France, where he wrote his Epistola ad peripatetics in Francia.[2]  In that letter, Alfonsi asserted the importance of astrology, demonstrated his leading astrological knowledge, and sought learned students.[3]

Petrus Alfonsi, illumination in Bibliothèque Nationale MS. Français 726

Alfonsi’s learning in retrospect appears to have been misguided and to have caused harm.  In the pre-modern world, astrology and astronomy were nearly synonymous, and astrology was also closely associated with medicine.  Astrologers claimed to be able to determine, by the position of the moon and sun, the course of diseases and the proper times for administering medicine.  Alfonsi’s medical service to King Henry I most likely was as an astrologer-physician.  Astrology today is not scientifically credible.  No good evidence exists that astrology has any real relationship to disease and medicine.

Alfonsi also wrote Dialogues against the Jews {Dialogi contra Iudaeos}.  That work is organized as dialogues between Alfonsi’s former self (Moshe) and his current self (Petrus).  The dialogues attempt to discredit reasons for Jewish beliefs and for Islamic beliefs.  The dialogues put forward reasoned justification for Christian beliefs.  Alfonsi’s personal knowledge of Jewish beliefs and practices and his advanced philosophical and literary learning from the Islamic world gave Dialogi contra Iudaeos considerable scholarly authority in medieval Latin Europe.  Alfonsi’s work contributed significantly to a more vicious anti-Semitism and intolerance for Jews in medieval Europe.  Alfonsi was intellectually cosmopolitan and gracious to those he regarded as holding false beliefs.  He surely valued dialogue and did not seek to promote the persecution of Jews.  His sharing of his knowledge, however, had that deplorable effect.

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Notes:

[1] Letter to the peripatetics of France {Epistola ad peripatetics in Francia}, Latin text and English translation from Tolan (1993) pp. 164-5, 172-3.  Id. provides the full Latin text of the letter, an English translation, and a description of the sole surviving manuscript.  I’ve modified slightly the last sentence quoted above for clearer sense and to place the final Latin clause as the final English clause.  For an alternate translation of this text consistent with the above, see Hermes & Quarrie (1977) p. 67.  Alfonsi also stated:

Since I have discovered that almost all Latins are devoid of knowledge of this art of astronomy, though I have practiced it for a long time and I have learned a small part of it, I have decided, if it pleases you, to share it with you and to present it — with diligence and kindness — as something rare, sweet, and delicious.

{ Quia igitur fere omnes Latinos artis huius astronomie uidelicet expertes inueni, ego autem in ea me diutius exercui, et partem inde nonnullam animo mandaui, uobis si placet impartire et quasi quiddam rerum, preciosum, dulce ac deliciosum diligenter ac benigne disposui presentare. }

Latin text and English translation from Tobin (1993) pp. 166, 174-5.  In his prologue to Training Manual for Clergy {Disciplina Clericalis}, Alfonsi explains that he wrote it “in order that the light given to me should not be hid under a bushel.”  Trans. Hermes & Quarrie (1977) p. 103.  Cf.  Matthew 5:15.

[2] Tolan (1993) pp. 9-11.  Moshe is the Hebrew name corresponding to Moses.  The name “Petrus Alfonsi” came from Moshe’s veneration for the Jewish-Christian Apostle Peter and his desire to honor Alfonso I.  Alfonso I became Moshe’s godfather at his adult Christian baptism.  A rubric in one thirteenth-century manuscript describes Petrus Alfonsi as “medicus” to King Henry I.  Other relevant sources say nothing about such service.  Id. n. 17, pp. 213-4.  Alfonsi providing astrological-medical advice to King Henry I could help to explain his low profile as a physician to the King.

[3] I use the term “astrology” rather than “astronomy” above to represent better the modern understanding of the relevant type of knowledge that Alfonsi offered.

[image] Petrus Afonsi admonishing a student.  Grey-tone reproduction of colored illumination from Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS. Français 726, 14th century, section 4, “L’Amonestement del pere à son fils,” p. 192.  Available online through Gallica.

References:

Hermes, Eberhard and P. R. Quarrie, ed. and trans. 1977. Petrus Alfonsi. The Disciplina clericalis of Petrus Alfonsi. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Tolan, John Victor. 1993. Petrus Alfonsi and His Medieval Readers. Gainesville: University Press of Florida.

literary economics of pen mightier than sword and pen

The literary economics of whether the pen is mightier than the sword seem straight-forward.  To increase their patronage and prestige, authors and other representatives of the pen are likely to favor the view that the pen is mightier than the sword.  In England in 1839, author Edward Bulwer-Lytton included in his play Richelieu; Or the Conspiracy the line “The pen is mightier than the sword.”  That line subsequently became well-known and much quoted among writers, public intellectuals, and the educated.  A writer asserting “The pen is mightier than the sword” never came to be regarded as comical and ridiculous like a writer beginning a story with “It was a dark and stormy night….” A writer asserting that the pen is more powerful than the sword is a more general application of communication economics like that of scholarly research papers concluding with a call for more research.  Educated, interested writers know not to laugh at such writing.

pens by status

In a society with a high level of literary sophistication and jobs that are not institutionally well-defined, the literary economics of the pen and the sword are more complex.  That was the case in the pre-modern Arabic literary world.  Writing, particularly poetry, was highly valued socially.  Personal status wasn’t anchored in institutional affiliations and could change rapidly.  In Arabic poetry from the ninth century, comparisons of the pen and the sword were an established poetic topos.  Sometimes the pen is mightier than the sword:

The penetrating swords give back their decisive power to a pen that indicates to them where they should strike. [1]

Truly a sword — a hero’s sword — is not more fearful than a secretary’s pen. [2]

In other instances, the sword is mightier than the pen:

Viziers of the realm obey it submissively: it is the habit of the sword to make the pen its servant. [3]

my pens say to me ‘Glory to the sword! There is no glory to the pen.
Write with us always after stroking with it, for we are to the sword as servants!’ [4]

The issue was not just whether a military figure or a scribal official commissioned the poem.  Because the relative might of pen and sword was an established poetic topos, poets played with it to display their learning and skill.  The great poet could figure his honor through both the pen and the sword:

For the horsemen know me, and the night, and the desert, and the sword, and the lance, and the paper and pen [5]

Extended literary debates between the pen and the sword appear in Arabic literature from the eleventh century.[6]  Interests in the pen and the sword became not their objective correlates but their literary positions.  The development of works of the pen undermined the interests of the pen.  Symbolic economics overtook group interests.[7]

A richly jeweled rifle from eighteenth-century Turkey holds within it a jeweled pen case, a jeweled pen holder, and a reed pen.  In elite status competition, the sword and the pen function similarly.

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Notes:

[1] From poem of al-Buhturi, ninth-century Arabic poet, trans. van Gelder (1987) p. 343.

[2] From poem of ibn al-Rumi, ninth-century Arabic poet, trans. id. p. 345.

[3] From poem of al-Buhturi, trans. id. p. 344.

[4] From poem of al-Mutanabbi, tenth-century Arabic poet, trans. id. p. 346.  I’ve ignored the lineation and replaced “‘writing’ with it (viz. the sword)” with “stroking with it.”

[5] From poem of al-Mutanabbi, trans. Arberry, as cited in id. p. 347.

[6] Id. pp. 348-360.  Al-Jahiz was an influential pioneer of literary debates in Arabic.

[7] Medieval clerics in Europe wrote Latin poems presenting literary debates about the relative merits of clerics and knights as lovers for young ladies.  In these writings, the clerics typically emerged as the favorite.  See, e.g. from Carmina Burana, “Frigus hinc est horridum…” and “Anni parte flordia…,” trans.  Walsh (1993) pp. 81-4, 101-125; and The Council of Remiremont, available in English translation in Lee (1981).  This poetry seems to have been written for fellow clerics as a relatively unimportant pastime.  The market for Latin poetry in medieval Europe was considerably narrower and less lucrative than the market for poetry in the Islamic world.  Al-Mutanabbi, for instance, earned great wealth writing praise poems for middle-class patrons.  See Ali (2008).

[image] My composition incorporating a penholder (“kalam”) and reed pen from eighteenth-century Turkey.  It is held in the Walters Gallery as Walters Gallery, 51.87

References:

Ali, Samer M. 2008. “The Rise of the Abbasid Public Sphere: The Case of al-Mutanabbī and Three Middle Ranking Patrons.” Al-Qanṭara. 29 (2): 467-494.

Gelder, Geert Jan van. 1987. “The Conceit of Pen and Sword: On an Arabic Literary Debate.”  Journal of Semitic Studies. XXXII (2): 329-360.

Lee, Reuben Richard. 1981.  A New Edition of “The Council of Remiremont.”  The University of Connecticut. Ph.D. Thesis.

Walsh, Patrick Gerard. 1993. Love lyrics from the Carmina Burana. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.