medieval evolutionary analysis devalued men relative to women

Misunderstanding of anisogamy and anti-men bigotry in evolutionary psychology support the devaluation of men’s lives relative to women’s lives. Yet the psychology of devaluing men’s lives doesn’t depend on failures in modern evolutionary thought. Medieval evolutionary analysis also devalued men.

two intertwined snakes

Consider a widely disseminated medieval story of a king and his wife. They discovered under the wall of their castle two snakes, one female and one male. The king interrogated his wise men about the significance of those snakes. The wise men declared that if the male snake were killed, a man would die. If the female snake were killed, a woman would die. The king then displayed his false consciousness about men’s subordinate class status:

“If this is so,” said the king, “kill the male snake, and let the female snake live. A man ought to be more willing to die himself than to permit the death of his wife.” He gave the reason for this: “If my wife lives, she may bring forth many sons who may succeed to my throne. But if she should die, the kingdom would lack an heir.”

That’s faulty reasoning. If the king died, a new ruler would be promptly selected. That wouldn’t necessarily be the king’s widow. If another man were named king, children that the king’s widow had with another man probably wouldn’t have a good claim to the throne. If, on the other hand, the king’s wife died, the king could just remarry. Sons that the king had with another wife would be heirs to the throne. The king’s decision and reason reflect the rule and rationalization of gynocentrism.

From reporting on the Costa Concordia’s sinking to the United Nations’ biased index of gender equality in expected lifespans, men’s lives are devalued relative to women’s lives. Efforts over the past four decades to promote gender equality have largely promoted lies and anti-men gender bigotry. Let’s get serious about valuing equally women’s and men’s lives.

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Note:

The above quote is from Gesta Romanorum, Tale 92, from Latin trans. Swan & Hooper (1876) p. 165. The tale’s application explains:

My beloved, the King is Christ, and the wife, our human nature, for which He gave himself to death.

That application summarizes one half of Ephesians 5:22-9.

[image] Intertwined snakes medical symbol, cropped. Thanks to Pixabay for Public Domain image.

Reference:

Swan, Charles, and Wynnard Hooper, trans. 1876. Gesta romanorum: entertaining moral stories. New York: Dover Publications Inc. (reprint edition of 1969).

woman betrays serpent, gets herself and man expelled from easy living

Explulsion of Eve and Adam

Ever since Eve and Adam, everybody has looked down on phallic-shaped serpents. The serpent seduced Eve. If a woman is seduced, it’s the seducer’s fault, and he should be incarcerated or made to crawl on his belly for the rest of his life. Some, however, blame Adam for not protecting Eve from the serpent. Others say that if Adam had provided enough food for Eve, she wouldn’t have been interested in eating the forbidden fruit. More recently, the learned speculate that Adam had a long history of abusing and controlling Eve. The sight of the delightful fruit, not anything that the serpent said, triggered the battered woman Eve. Within medieval Latin literature, relations among woman, serpent, and man were understood differently.

According to a story in the highly popular medieval Latin work Gesta Romanorum, a knight and his wife fell into extreme poverty. In a room of their mansion lived a serpent. The serpent observed their misery. The serpent said to the knight:

Why do you lament? Take my advice, and you shall not subsequently repent of what you did. Supply me every day with a certain quality of sweet milk, and I will enrich you. [1]

The knight was thrilled with the serpent’s promise. The knight faithfully followed the instructions of his crafty serpent friend. The knight was subsequently enriched with a beautiful son and much material wealth.

The knight’s wife, however, wasn’t satisfied with the knight following the serpent’s instructions. She wanted more. She said to her husband:

My lord, I am sure that serpent has great riches hidden in the chamber where he dwells. Let us kill him and get possession of the whole.

She advised him to smash the serpent with a hammer. His wife’s proposal pleased the foolish knight. He put out some milk and prepared to smash the serpent’s head with the hammer. The serpent stuck his head out of his hole to sip the milk. He sensed the hammer coming down and quickly pulled back into the hole. The knight’s blow merely smashed the dish and spilled the milk. Soon after, the couple’s son died and they lost all their wealth.

The wife continued to dominate her husband even amid their tears. She said to him:

Alas! I have ill counseled you. Go now to the hole of the serpent and humbly acknowledge your offense. Perhaps you may receive forgiveness.

The knight complied with his wife’s command. Standing before the serpent’s hole, the knight cried and begged that he be made rich as before. He promised never again to consider attacking the serpent. The serpent rejected the knight’s wife-ordered repentance. Only then did the knight truly repent. He declared to his wife, “Fool that I was to take your counsel!” That repentance was too late. The knight and his wife lived out their lives in poverty.

Struggling against the dominant gynocentrism of vernacular literature, medieval Latin literature sought to promote more equitable gender relations. The story of the wealth-giving serpent has its roots in the ancient Indian story collection known as the Panchatantra. Medieval Latin literature adapted the Panchatantra’s story with deep insight into the relation of Eve and Adam.[2] Seduction can be an enjoyable, licit, and fruitful aspect of life. Allowing Eve to dominate Adam ultimately causes the misery of humankind.

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Notes:

[1] Gesta Romanorum, Tale 141, from Latin trans. Swan & Hooper (1876) p. 246. Subsequent quotes are from id. pp. 246-7.

[2] Panchatantra, Book 3, Story 5, from Sanskrit trans. Ryder (1925) pp. 331-3. The story is Aarne-Thompson-Uther type 285D. D.L. Ashliman provides an online review of Aarne-Thompson-Uther type 285D. Here’s some discussion of the movement of Panchatantra stories westward.

In its application, the Gesta Romanorum version emphasizes the relation to Eve and Adam: “the knight is Adam, who by following his wife’s advice lost Paradise.” In this allegorization, the wife is Eve.

References:

Ryder, Arthur W., trans. 1925. The Panchatantra. Chicago, Ill: University of Chicago Press.

Swan, Charles, and Wynnard Hooper, trans. 1876. Gesta romanorum: entertaining moral stories. New York: Dover Publications Inc. (reprint edition of 1969).

Gregorius, child of incest, married mother and became saint & pope

cold winding road

How can one hope when Soviet-quality intellectual life has risen to dominance in free, democratic societies? How can one hope when thirty years of bitter discussion of abortion has largely ignored men and pretended that pregnancies magically appear in women who make momentous choices with no regard for anyone else? How can one hope when, amid extraordinarily extensive incarceration, political and intellectual leaders promote broad, punitive regulation of ordinary sexual interactions? In such circumstances, perceiving whimsy, but not hope, is a mistake. Throughout the Middle Ages, the life of the fictional Saint Pope Gregorius was a popular story.[1] Even more than in the Middle Ages, Saint Pope Gregorius provides hope for our age.

Unlike Oedipus, Gregorius was the child of an incestuous union. The emperor had a son and a daughter. On his deathbed, the emperor instructed the son to provide the daughter with a noble and appropriate husband and to love her as himself. The son, who became emperor, instead had sex with his sister. He acted first against her will, but then their relationship “became more and more delightful” for them both.[2] The sister became pregnant. Her brother-husband went on a pilgrimage of penance to Jerusalem and died there. His sister-wife secretly gave birth to Gregorius back at home.

Like Oedipus, Gregorius then grew up and unknowingly married his mother. His mother eliminated him, the child of her incestuous union, by placing him in a boat and setting him out to sea. Through a highly improbable chain of events, the boy returned as a young knight to his natal empire. His mother was then ruler. Her empire was under siege. The young knight successfully defended the realm. He then unknowingly married his mother. With the aid of tablets that she had placed in the boat and he had kept with him, wife and husband came to recognize that they were mother and son, with the son-husband having been born from the mother’s union with her brother.[3]

Devastated with eventual recognition of what he had unknowingly done, Gregorius took up harsh penance. He left the empire as a pilgrim, walking away barefooted. He arranged with a fisherman to have himself chained on a rock far out to sea. The fisherman threw the key to Gregorius’s chains into the sea. Somehow Gregorius survived for seventeen years alone chained to the rock in the middle of the sea.

God redeemed the sinful Gregorius with a call to eminence. The wonderful dispensations of providence were revealed by a voice from heaven:

The pope died. At the moment of his death, a voice from heaven cried out, “Search after a man of God, called Gregorius, and appoint him my vicar.” [4]

The papal electors sent messengers throughout the world to find Gregorius. A messenger met the fisherman who had chained Gregorius to the isolated rock seventeen years earlier. That same day, that fisherman caught a fish containing within its belly the key to Gregorius’s chains. The fisherman unchained Gregorius from his isolated rock. Gregorious was then taken back to Rome to be installed as pope.

Pope Gregorius’s mother-wife subsequently went to Rome to confess her sins to the pope. She didn’t know that the pope was her husband and son from her union with her brother. After she had the sacrament of confession with him, he recognized her:

Dearest mother and wife and mistress, the devil dreamed of bringing us to Hell. But by the grace of God, we have evaded his efforts. [5]

Pope Gregorius founded a new monastery and made his mother-wife abbess of it. Both Pope Gregorius and his mother-wife died as holy persons. Gregorius was subsequently recognized as a saint.[6] Any woman who was both his mother and his wife surely must have also been a saint.

No one, no matter what she or he has done, is beyond redemption. No circumstances are so oppressive that a mighty river of justice cannot cleanse them. No society is too corrupt to be renewed. As the tale of Saint Pope Gregorius exemplifies, hope covers all things.[7]

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Notes:

[1] The earliest known version of the story of Gregorius is a twelfth-century French poem. About 1200, Hartmann von Aue adapted the poem into German. Within the next three centuries it came to be known across Europe from Iceland to Spain to Armenia to Hungary to Sweden. The most widely disseminated version is the Latin prose version in the Gesta Romanorum, probably from the late thirteenth century. Murdoch (2012) pp. 13-4, 17, 139. The Latin prose version from the Gesta Romanorum is consistent with Murdoch’s epitome of the Gregorius narrative. Id. pp. 8-10. For the Gregorius story in the Anglo-Norman Gesta Romanorum, see story 69 in Bright (2019).

[2] Id. p. 144. The Swan-Hooper English translation of the Gregorius tale from Gesta Romanorum characteristically misleads about sexual culpability:

The Swan-Hooper translation changes the character of the passage entirely, and effectively removes all blame from the girl, providing in a sense a new version. The recasting is difficult to defend.

Id. p. 144, n. 51. For a similar recasting, see Sanger’s nineteenth-century social science on prostitution.

[3] Gesta Romanorum includes another tale with similarities to Oedipus’s fate. A knight returned home and found two persons in his wife’s bed. Immediately assuming that his wife was committing adultery, the knight slew both persons. Those persons turned out to be his parents who had made an unexpected visit to his home. Gesta Romanorum, Tale 18, from Latin trans. Swan & Hooper (1876) pp. 46-8.

[4] Gesta Romanorum, Tale 81 (“Of the Wonderful Dispensations of Providence, and of the Rise of Pope Gregory”), from Latin trans. Swan & Hooper (1876) p. 152. The subsequent quote above is from id. p. 153.

[5] The Latin triplet mater, uxor et amica (mother, wife, and mistress) also occurs earlier in the narrative.

[6] Gregorius was commonly identified as both a pope and a saint. For example, a medieval French metrical version has the Latin heading Incipit uita Sancti Gregorii Papae (“Here begins the life of Saint Gregorius the Pope”). Murdoch (2012) p. 1.

[7] Even with the outlandish events of his life, Gregorius is an Everyman:

Reading Gregorius as Everyman may seem unusual, but he nonetheless has that function, and in some respects he is to be imitated; he shows the reader or listener that any sin can be overcome, and demonstrates the mechanisms by which this can come about within the structure of the Christian Church. …  The interpretation of the story offered in the moralizing section is not consistent, but it lays special stress on the value of penance for redemption. The key is that the child, Gregorius, is Everyman, cast out because of the sins of Adam and Eve into the miseries of the world.

Murdoch (2012) pp. 29, 148.

[image] Cold, winding road on island in Sweden. Thanks to Jon Ottosson and Unsplash Creative Commons Zero collections.

References:

Bright, Philippa, ed. and trans. 2019. The Anglo-Latin Gesta Romanorum: from Oxford, Bodleian Library, Douce MS 310. Oxford Medieval Texts. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Murdoch, Brian. 2012. Gregorius: an incestuous saint in medieval Europe and beyond. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Swan, Charles, and Wynnard Hooper, trans. 1876. Gesta romanorum: entertaining moral stories. New York: Dover Publications Inc. (reprint edition of 1969).

Lucretia declaring rape incited Roman men to war without questioning

Lucretia inciting men to war

According to her story, which dominates Roman history, Lucretia suffered rape from Sextus Tarquinius, the son of the king ruling Rome. Her story incited Roman men to war against the king of Rome and to establishing the Roman Republic. No one questioned Sextus Tarquinus about what happened between him and Lucretia. Lucretia gave no one the opportunity to question her. Among authorities today, questioning Lucretia’s declaration of rape would be an outrage. That’s a form of tyranny that resonates with today’s campus sex tribunals and bitter disputes over immigrants and rape. While a republic can be founded without questioning, it will not endure without questioning. Uprooting the tyrannical authority of rape is necessary to provide the blessings of liberty for posterity.

The Roman historian Livy recorded Lucretia’s story of rape and her incitement of Roman men. Lucretia summoned her husband, her father, and their faithful friends:

They found Lucretia sitting in her room prostrate with grief. As they entered, she burst into tears. To her husband’s inquiry whether all was well, she replied, “No! what can be well with a woman when her honor is lost? Collatinus, the marks of a stranger are in your bed. But it is only my body that has been violated. My soul is pure. My death shall bear witness to that. But pledge me your solemn word that the adulterer shall not go unpunished.” [1]

Lucretia had already premeditated her own death. Drawing upon the power of a woman’s tears, she immediately sought an oath from them to punish an unnamed man, described prejudicially as an adulterer. That’s an important rhetorical strategy given that the unnamed man was the son of the king. She then specified the target:

{Lucretia said} “It is Sextus Tarquinius. Coming as an enemy instead of a guest, he forced from me last night by brutal violence a pleasure fatal to me, and, if you are men, fatal to him.”

Women explicitly or implicitly questioning men’s manliness seek to control men’s actions.[2] Lucretia asserted that, as men, they should kill Sextus Tarquinius. Persons committed to justice would seek evidence, hear from all relevant parties, thoroughly investigate the matter, and seek to know the truth of the specific case. The men here, like many men throughout history, merely did what a woman told them to do:

They all successively pledged their word. They tried to console the distracted woman by turning the guilt from the victim of the outrage to the perpetrator. They urged that it is the mind that sins, not the body, and where there has been no consent, there is no guilt.

The men’s primary concern was to comfort Lucretia, not to kill Sextus Tarquinius. Lucretia re-directed them:

“It is for you,” she said, “to see that he gets his deserts. Although I acquit myself of the sin, I do not free myself from the penalty. No unchaste woman shall henceforth live and plead Lucretia’s example.” She had a knife concealed in her dress. She plunged it into her heart and fell dying on the floor.

Lucretia thus killed herself before anyone had the opportunity to question her about her story. She provided as pretext for killing herself the potential mendacity of other women. Some women lie about sex. So too do some men. Killing without questioning isn’t a reasonable response to the human problem of lying about sex.[3]

Claims of men raping women powerfully incite men to violence against men. Livy presented that inciting force sensationally:

While they were absorbed in grief, Brutus drew the knife from Lucretia’s wound and holding it, dripping with blood, in front of him, said, “By this blood — most pure before the outrage wrought by the king’s son — I swear, and you, O gods, I call to witness, that I will drive from here Lucius Tarquinius Superbus {the king ruling Rome}, his cursed wife, and his whole brood, with fire and sword and every means in my power. I will not tolerate them or any one else reigning in Rome.”

Brutus vowed a change in government for Rome from monarchy to a republic. Yet Brutus’s vow rests on gynocentrism and social devaluation of men’s lives. Those aspects of social order have withstood change and held themselves above public discussion. Brutus easily enlisted other men in gynocentric revolution:

Then he handed the knife to Collatinus and then to Lucretius and Valerius, who were all astounded at the marvel of the thing, wondering whence Brutus had acquired this new character. They swore as they were directed. All their grief changed to wrath. They followed the lead of Brutus, who summoned them to abolish the monarchy immediately. They carried the body of Lucretia from her home down to the Forum. There, owing to the unheard-of atrocity of the crime, they at once attracted a crowd.

The crowd took up arms against the king and overthrew his rule in Rome. At least one account indicates that many men were killed in battle between opponents and supporters of the king.[4]

In written history, the rape of Lucretia incited men to found the Roman Republic. Rape of women and false accusations of rape have throughout history been treated as deadly serious matters.[5] Yet the seriousness of the crime of rape doesn’t explain why Lucretia’s story became history of the founding of the Roman Republic. Roman men writing history never questioned Lucretia’s story. Her story incited men to violence against men without questioning. That rape tyranny comes readily with gynocentric society. The Roman revolution against tyranny was incomplete. The Roman Republic thus fell to the Roman Empire, which collapsed. To have an enduring republic, the tyranny of rape must be overturned.[6]

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Notes:

[1] Livy, Ab Urbe Condita / History of Rome, 1.58.6-8, from Latin trans. Canon Roberts (1912), with my adaptations for modern English fluency. All subsequent quotes above are likewise from id. 1.58-9. Roberts’ translation of the Lucretia section is available online in a more easily readable form. The translation of Benjamin Oliver Foster (1919) is also available online. Here’s the Latin text.

“The story of the rape of Lucretia is one of the most familiar of all stories from the ancient world.” Donaldson (1982) p. iv. Id. considers the story across the past two and half millennia. Other early accounts of the rape of Lucretia are in Ovid, Fasti 2: February 24 (The Regifugium); and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, The Roman Antiquities IV.64-85.

[2] In Cassius Dio’s history, written early in the third century, Lucretia asserts at greater length that men are required by their gender to respond with violence against men:

And, whereas I (for I am a woman) shall act in a manner which is fitting for me: you, if you are men, and if you care for your wives and children, exact vengeance on my behalf and free yourselves and show the tyrants what sort of woman they outraged, and what sort of men were her menfolk!

Cassius Dio, Roman History, F 11.19, from Greek trans. Mallen (2014) p. 768.

[3] The vast literature on the rape of Lucretia shows almost no critical analysis of justified belief about what happened between Lucretia and Sextus Tarquinius. See e.g. Donaldson (1982) and Mallen (2014). The rape of Lucretia is a “regular choice” among examples (exempli) that Livy “set out on a clear monument.” Chaplin (2000) p. 1, referring to Livy, Preface 10.

Across all of written history to the present, Augustine of Hippo provides the most critical analysis of the situation concerning Lucretia. From Augustine’s Christian perspective, if Lucretia didn’t consent in her will to Sextus Tarquinius having sex with her, then she was guilty of killing an innocent person (herself), without even any formal judicial ruling. Augustine considered hypothetically the possibility that she did consent in her will to sex with Sextus. If she did, Augustine declared that she would then be an adulteress. Yet Augustine followed history in not questioning whether any evidence other than her story indicated rape:

What shall we say? Should she be judged an adulteress or a chaste woman? Who can think it worthwhile to argue over such a question? A certain person, reciting this story with distinction and veracity, says, “Marvelous to relate, there were two persons, but only one of them committed adultery.” Splendidly and truly said!

Augustine, City of God, Bk. 1, Ch 19, from Latin trans. Dyson (1998) p. 29. In addition to not critically analyzing the historical evidence for determining whether Lucretia was raped, Augustine also didn’t consider the effect of her suicide on investigation of the case.

The widely disseminated medieval work Gesta Romanorum includes the story of Lucretia. Gesta Romanorum explicitly cites its story of Lucretia to Augustine’s City of God. In its application, Gesta Romanorum honors Lucretia and condemns Sextus. It declares: “Lucretia is the soul. Sextus is the devil.” Gesta Romanorum, Tale 135, from Latin trans. Swan & Hooper (1876) pp. 239-41.

For a spectacle of recent, earnest academic-political posing about Augustine and Lucretia, consider the interview with scholars Thomas Laqueur and Virginia Burrus, and the response from Lincoln Mullen. Such posing deflects attention from realities of rape and new, totalitarian sex regulations.

[4] See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, The Roman Antiquities V.15-6.

[5] In a significant historical difference, U.S. authorities today tend to trivialize the problem of false accusations of rape.

[6] Tendentious, gynocentric analysis of the rape of Lucretia and the founding of republics is associated with dominant, oppressive, and false beliefs about sex and violence. See Matthes (2000).

[image] The Story of Lucretia, detail. Painting by Sandro Botticelli, 1500-1501. Held in the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston. Image from Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Chaplin, Jane D. 2000. Livy’s exemplary history. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Donaldson, Ian. 1982. The rapes of Lucretia: a myth and its transformations. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Dyson, R. W, trans. 1998. Augustine: the city of God against the pagans. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Mallan C.T. 2014. “The rape of Lucretia in Cassius Dio’s Roman History.” Classical Quarterly. 64 (2): 758-771.

Matthes, Melissa M. 2000. The rape of Lucretia and the founding of republics: readings in Livy, Machiavelli, and Rousseau. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press.

Swan, Charles, and Wynnard Hooper, trans. 1876. Gesta romanorum: entertaining moral stories. New York: Dover Publications Inc. (reprint edition of 1969).