Syritha’s female gaze nearly defeated giant-slayer Othar

Literary scholars have extensively discussed the dominating power of the male gaze. They typically overlook or trivialize the female gaze. But is the female gaze actually less powerful than the male gaze? Many with experience of their mother’s gaze, their sister’s gaze, or their wife or girlfriend’s gaze know its unsurpassable power. Not surprisingly, in ancient Danish history Princess Syritha with her female gaze repelled a crowd of suitors and nearly defeated the giant-slayer Othar.

Syritha, the daughter of the Danish king Sivald, was “conspicuously modest {spectata pudicitia}.” She attracted many suitors. None could induce her to gaze upon him. Back in those days before the male gaze was demonized, Syritha wielded her steely, demure gaze as a severe test of a man’s worthiness:

Confident of her self-restraint, she begged her father to grant her as husband the man who could sweetly coax her into gazing back at him.

{ Cuius continentiae fiducia a patre coniugem depoposcit, qui delenimentorum dulcedine mutuum eius conspectum impetrare quivisset. }[1]

Othar, son of the fierce Viking pirate Ebbi, rose to the challenge. He attempted to win Syritha’s female gaze:

Though he strove to bend her gaze with all his natural powers, no art whatsoever would raise her downcast eyes. He went away marveling at her unyielding severity that he couldn’t overcome.

{ Cuius obtutum omnibus ingenii nervis emollire connisus, cum demissum oculorum eius habitum nulla penitus arte flexisset, invictae severitatis perseverantiam miratus abscedit. }

Some women in ancient times had strong, independent sexuality. Some had strong, independent female gazes. Whatever their specific strengths, women of ancient times were stronger and more independent that the shrinking-violet, melting-snowflake, damsel-in-distressing, herd-thinking weak women of today. Women of the old times ranked with giants.[2]

In fact, a giant attempted to win Syritha’s love. Despite his giant size and giant strength, he couldn’t get Syritha to gaze upon him. Having failed to prevail with his stereotypical masculine advantages, the giant turned to guile, a skill in which women are typically superior to men:

He bribed a woman to become Syritha’s attendant for a period and secure her friendship. Eventually the attendant found a cunning excuse for an excursion and inveigled Syritha far from her paternal hearth. Soon after, the giant rushed upon her and carried her off to his narrow den on a mountain ledge.

{ feminam subornat, quae, cum obtenta virginis familiaritate eius aliquamdiu pedissequam egisset, hanc tandem a paternis procul penatibus, quaesita callidius digressione, seduxit; quam ipse mox irruens in artiora montanae crepidinis saepta devexit. }

Syritha lived a much more privileged life in her royal home than did the giant in his narrow mountain den. Nonetheless, women in medieval literature didn’t check their privilege and apologize for it.

giant abducting Freja / Syritha

As a strong, independent woman captured by a giant, Syritha didn’t cry out like a damsel in distress seeking men to help her. Othar nonetheless took on that dangerous task:

Othar ransacked the depths of the mountains in order to track down the young women. He discovered her, slew the giant, and led her away with him to safety. … Again using various incentives, he attempted to have the young woman look at him. When he had long tried to attract her drooping eyes and nothing happened as he wished, he abandoned his effort.

{ Otharus indagandae virginis gratia montis penita perscrutatus, inventam, oppresso gigante, secum abduxit. … Denuo igitur variis rerum irritamentis aggressus puellarem in se provocare conspectum, cum diu torpentes nequicquam oculos attentasset, proposito parum ex sententia cedente, coeptum reliquit. }

Although Othar was a giant-slayer, he couldn’t control Syritha’s female gaze. She left him and went on her own way.

A massive, rustic woman then captured Syritha. The rustic woman made Syritha herd her goats, which are known to be randy animals. Syritha couldn’t be happy merely with the gender satisfaction of being a servant to a woman-leader. She begged Othar to rescue her. He came and freed her from servitude to the giant rustic woman.

Syritha still refused to gaze on Othar. Othar had pleaded to her at length, in verse:

Don’t you prefer to take my advice
and join in a solemn, equal union
than to stay with this flock and tend
rank-smelling little goats?

Rebuff the hand of your evil lady
and quickly flee this savage lady-master,
so as to return with me to the friendly ships
to live in freedom.

Abandon the animals in your care,
refuse to herd these goats,
and return as my bed-partner,
a prize I desire.

O, I have sought you with such effort.
Turn upward your languid eye-beams —
it’s an easy gesture to lift a little
your modest face.

I will set you again at your father’s hearth,
and unite you joyfully with your devoted mother,
when once by my gentle prayers you are driven
to disclose the light of your eyes.

Since many times I have carried you free from giants’ captivity,
confer the ancient reward for my toil,
and pitying the heavy exertions of my deeds,
refrain from your severity!

{ Num meis mavis monitis adesse
et pares votis sociare nexus
quam gregi praesens olidisque curam
ferre capellis?

Impiae dextram dominae refelle
et trucem praeceps fugito magistram,
ut rates mecum socias revisens
libera degas!

Linque commissae studium bidentis,
sperne caprinos agitare gressus,
et tori consors refer apta nostris
praemia votis!

O mihi tantis studiis petita,
torpidos sursum radios reflecte,
paululum motu facili pudicos
erige vultus!

Ad lares hinc te statuam paternos,
et piae laetam sociabo matri,
si semel blandis agitata votis
lumina pandas.

Quam tuli claustris toties gigantum,
confer antique meritum labori
et graves rerum miserata nisus
parce rigori! }[3]

She still refused to gaze upon him. Then he angrily exclaimed:

Why have you taken up this sick-brained madness, so as to prefer to lead a stranger’s flock and be counted among the slaves of monsters rather than move forward to a marriage-bed contract with our equal and fitting consent?

{ Quare etenim cerebrosa adeo dementire coepisti, ut alienum ductare pecus et in monstrorum famulitio numerari praeoptes quam pari consensus aptitudine mutuum tori promovere contractum? }

Syritha consented to have Othar set her free from the giant woman, but she sternly refused even to gaze on him. Women have never acted as if men owned them, even men to whom they owed their freedom. Both women and men throughout history have chosen their amorous relationships. Women generally have had more choice than men. Unable to gain Syritha’s female gaze and weary with his humiliation and grief, Othar left her and went back to his ships.

After Syritha has wandered for awhile in the wilderness, she came across a stately home. It was the home of Othar’s mother:

Ashamed of being threadbare and needy, Syritha pretended to be the daughter of paupers. Othar’s mother observed that this woman, although dirty and needy and covered with a meager cloak, had come from noble breeding. She seated her in a place of honor and treated her with courtesy. The woman’s beauty was an indicator of her noble birth, and her facial features followed her lineage.

{ nuditatis et inopiae rubore egentium se filiam astruebat. Animadvertens autem hanc Othari mater, quamvis marcore illitam inopique contectam amiculo, a generosis pullulasse ramalibus, honorato sedendi loco susceptam reverenti secum comitate detinuit. Nobilitatem quippe virginis index forma prodebat, et vultu genus interprete resultabat. }

Even while being treated with honor in Othar’s mother’s home, Syritha refused to gaze upon Othar. Bewildered, Othar arranged a test:

In order to test her heart for certain, Othar pretended that he was taking another woman as his bride. Climbing into the wedding bed, he gave Syritha a candle to hold. Since the wick nearly burned down while waiting for the bride, Syritha was tormented by the flame creeping close to her skin. Nonetheless, she gave such a display of endurance that she restrained any movement of her hand, pretending that she felt no annoyance from the heat.

{ Cuius animum certius experturus nupturam sibi feminam fingit eiusque torum conscendens lucernam Syrithae gestandam committit. Quae cum, absumptis paene lychnis, admoto propius igne premeretur, tantum patientiae specimen praebuit, ut manum absque motu continere visa nullam ardoris molestiam sentire crederetur. }[4]

This test positioned Syritha as a desexualized, immodest witness to a wedding consummation. She became hot inside, undoubtedly with imagination and jealousy for the bride who would be enjoying a wedding night in bed with Othar.[5] With a simple act of kindness toward her in her servant position, Othar brought forth her passionate love:

When at last from Othar came the command to take care of her hand, she calmly turned to him the modest gaze of her raised eye-lights. Suddenly, the pretended nuptials pushed aside, she climbed into the nuptial bed as his bride.

{ Quae demum ab Otharo manui consulere iussa, placidos in eum obtutus verecunda luminum erectione convertit statimque, semoto nuptiarum figmento, genialem torum nuptura conscendit. }

Love in this story doesn’t depend on the man performing heroic deeds. Only when Othar acted with here-and-now compassion for Syritha as his fellow human being did she offer him her female gaze and her passionate love. That’s a Christian understanding of love.

Freja / Syritha averting her gaze

Intending to hang Othar for having sex with his daughter Syritha, King Sivald subsequently captured him. Syritha immediately rose in Othar’s defense. She declared Othar’s manly worth in terms of his giant-killing acts. That’s manly worth as understood in societies in which men are treated as disposable instruments. Syritha actually understood Othar’s manly worth in a more humane and intimate way. She merely said what was necessary to save her beloved man’s life. More women should do likewise.

Like Geoffrey of Monmouth’s On the Deeds of the Britons {De gestis Britonum}, Saxo Grammaticus’s Deeds of the Danes {Gesta Danorum} mainly chronicles horrific violence against men. History should be more than just a chronicle of men being killed. History should recognize female privilege and the female gaze. History should also recognize extraordinary women’s unconventional love and concern for men. Syritha’s love for Othar is among the best history in the Gesta Danorum.

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Read more:

Notes:

[1] Saxo Grammaticus, Deeds of the Danes {Gesta Danorum} 7.4.1.2, Latin text from Olrik & Raeder (1931), English translation (modified) from Friis-Jensen & Fisher (2015). The previous short quote “conspicuously modest” is similarly from Gesta Danorum 7.4.1.1. All subsequent quotes, unless otherwise noted, are similarly sourced from Gesta Danorum 7.4.

Saxo Grammaticus probably finished Gesta Danorum about 1210. Saxo apparently was canon of Lund Cathedral in the service of Archbishop Absalon. Lund was then part of Denmark, but is now part of Sweden.

The first nine books of Gesta Danorum are regarded as legendary history. Rydberg (1886) associated Othar with Svipdag and Syritha with Freyja in Germanic mythology. Syritha is spelled Sigrid in Elton (1894), Siritha in Davidson & Fisher (1979-80), and Sigrith in Friis-Jensen & Fisher (2015).

Davidson & Fisher (1979-80) contains nearly the same English translation for the first nine books of Gesta Danorum as does Friis-Jensen & Fisher (2015). An earlier, freely available Latin text is Holder (1886). For a freely available English translation of the first nine books, Elton (1894).

[2] Ignoring the social injustice of men’s vastly disproportionate gender burden of soliciting amorous relationships with women, Saxo commented:

At one time our young women severely disciplined the wantonness of their eyes, so that their hearts’ purity might not be corrupted by too much freedom of looking. They aimed to display their chaste souls through a modest face. … How demure must have been the women of that age! They could not be induced to offer a mere flicker of their eyes under the strongest provocations of their admirers.

{ Olim siquidem apud nos puellarum continentia magnopere visus petulantiam edomare solebat, ne mentis integritas oculorum libertate corrumperetur, affectabaturque, ut cordis castimoniam oris modestia fateretur. … Quantae porro pudicitiae saeculi illius feminas exstitisse putemus, quae ne ad levem quidem oculorum motum maximis amatorum irritamentis adduci potuerunt? }

To promote social justice, young women today should more frequently gaze lovingly upon men whom they find attractive. They should also offer to buy these men dinner, without of course assuming that the men then owe them any amorous favors.

[3] The translation above is largely mine. It’s more literal and less poetic than that of Friis-Jensen & Fisher (2015). The Latin poem is in Sapphic stanzas that associate it with Horace’s love poetry. Id. vol. 1, pp. 466-7.

[4] Within this passage, the leading edition of Gesta danorum surely contains a mistranslation of “nupturam sibi feminam fingit”: “he pretended that she was to become his wife.” Friis-Jensen & Fisher (2015) vol. 1, p. 469. The point explicitly is to deceive Syritha to test her love. In thirteenth-century Iceland, the groom was led by witnesses with lights to his wife’s bed. Frank (1973) p. 475-6. Having sex with others present wasn’t necessarily shameful in the pre-modern world. Syritha acting as a witness to Othar’s wedding consummation makes brilliant sense in its literary context. Elton got it nearly right: “he feigned that a woman was about to become his wife.” The “femina” was a woman other than Syritha.

[5] Saxo observed:

The warmth inside her overcome the temperature outside her, and the glow of her itching heart checked the candle’s scorching of her flesh.

{ Externum quippe aestum cohibebat interior, et pruritantis animi fervor adustae cutis incendium temperabat. }

That’s the type of elaborate rhetoric for which Saxo is well known. Put differently, Syritha, while holding the candle burning down to her skin, was concealing her burning passion for Othar. That’s a very awkward position for someone supposedly witnessing Othar’s wedding consummation. Dramatic revelation in a bedroom, candle-light scene goes back at least to Apuleius’s story of Cupid and Psyche.

[images] (1) Giant abducting Freja / Syritha. Illustration by Arthur Rackham between pages 32 & 33 in Wagner, Rackham & Amour (1910). (2) Freja / Syritha not gazing at the viewer. Excerpt from oil on canvas painting by John Bauer. A Swede, Bauer made this painting for Karlskrona flickläroverk {The Karlskrona School for Girls}. Via Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Davidson, Hilda Ellis, commentary, and Peter Fisher, trans. 1979-80. Saxo Grammaticus. History of the Danes. Vol. 1 (English translation). Vol. 2 (commentary). Cambridge, GB: D.S. Brewer.

Elton, Oliver. 1894. The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus. London: D. Nutt. Alternate presentation.

Frank, Roberta. 1973. “Marriage in the Middle Ages, 4. Marriage in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Iceland.” Viator. 4: 473-484.

Friis-Jensen, Karsten, ed. and Peter Fisher, trans. 2015. Gesta Danorum = The History of the Danes. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Review by John Lindow and by Lars Boje Mortensen.

Holder, Alfred, ed. 1886. Saxonis Grammatici Gesta Danorum. Strassburg: Trübner.

Olrik, Jørgen and Hans Raeder, eds. 1931. Saxo Grammaticus. Gesta danorum. Hauniae, Levin & Munksgaard.

Rydberg, Viktor. 1886. Undersökningar i germanisk mythologi, första delen {Investigations into Germanic Mythology, Volume I}. Stockholm: Bonniers. English tranlation: Rasmus B. Anderson, trans. 1889. Teutonic mythology: gods and goddesses of the Northland. London, Aberdeen: Swan Sonnenschein & Co.

Wagner, Richard, Arthur Rackham, illustrator, Margaret Armour, trans. 1910. The Rhinegold & the Valkyrie: The Ring of the Niblung. London: W. Heinemann.

Mary mother of God is fully divine woman in medieval literature

A young Jewish woman from provincial Nazareth, Mary the mother of Jesus came to be regarded in medieval Europe as the preeminent dispenser of justice. Mary from a Christian perspective is the mother of God. That of course means that God will do whatever Mary wishes. Despite her authority in relation to the maker of Heaven and earth, Mary didn’t stand apart from ordinary life. Medieval Christians understood Mary to be an ordinary, fully divine woman.

Consider Theophilus’s devilish problem in sixth-century Byzantium. A new bishop deprived Theophilus of his position as seneschal. He thus fell into despair and poverty. The devil, however, promised to restore Theophilus to his former status and to give him even greater wealth. Kneeling in homage, Theophilus signed with his own blood a contract to transfer his soul’s allegiance from God to the devil. Seven years later, Theophilus profoundly regretted his pact with the devil.

Theophilus making a pact with the devil and signing it with his own blood

What could Theophilus do to recover his soul? He needed help from the holy ones he had betrayed. But Theophilus lamented:

I dare not call on God by his signs or by his saints.
Alas! I have made with joined hands homage to the devil.
The demon has the documents sealed with my ring.
Wealth, you are wicked, from you I will have many pains!

I dare not by his signs or by his saints call on God,
nor on that very sweet Lady whom everyone should love.
But because she has no harshness or deceit,
if I cry to her for mercy, no one should blame me.

{ Je n’os Dieu réclamer ne ses sainz ne ses saintes,
Las! que j’ai fet hommage au déable mains jointes.
Li maufez en a lettres de mon anel empraintes.
Richesce, mar te vi: j’en aurai dolors maintes.

Je n’os Dieu ne ses saintes ne ses sainz réclamer,
Ne la tres douce dame que chascuns doit amer.
Mes por ce qu’en li n’a felonie n’amer,
Se je li cri merci nus ne m’en doit blasmer. }[1]

Not able to do anything else, Theophilus prayed fervently to Our Lady, Holy Mary, the Mother of God:

Holy, lovely Queen
glorious heavenly Virgin,
full of grace indeed,
in whom all virtues shine,
delivering from sin
those who call in need.
Those whose hearts shall turn
to your everlasting realm,
they shall have joy again.
O fountain, ever springing,
full of joy and healing,
call me to your Son.

{ Sainte roine bele,
Glorieuse pucele,
Dame de grâce plaine
Par qui toz biens revele,
Qu’au besoing vous apele
Delivrez est de paine,
Qu’à vous son cuer amaine
Ou pardurable raine
Aura joie novele;
Arosable fontaine
Et delitable et saine,
A ton Filz me rapele! }[2]

Theophilus continued to pray to Mary with another eight such stanzas. Then the mother of God peevishly interrupted him:

Who are you, you there, you who goes through here?

{ Qui es-tu, va, qui vas par ci? }[3]

Theophilus cried out in response:

Greetings, Lady! Have mercy on me!
It’s the miserable
Theophilus, the unhappy one
whom demons have bound and seized.
Now I’ve come to pray
to you, Lady, and to beg for mercy,
so that the devil won’t watch for the hour
that it will come to torment me,
it who has put me in such great misery.
Once you held me as your son,
lovely Queen!

{ Ha, Dame! aiez de moi merci!
C’est li chetis
Theophile, li entrepris
Que maufé ont loié et pris.
Or vieng proier
A vos, Dame, et merci crier
Que ne gart l’ore qu’asproier
Me viengne cil
Qui m’a mis a si grant escil.
Tu me tenis jà par ton fil,
Roine bele! }

The contrived fawning of courtly lovers annoys the Virgin Mary. She snapped at Theophilus:

I have no concern for your flattering babble.
Go away! Get out of my chapel!

{ Je n’ai cure de ta favele;
Va-t’en, is fors de ma chapele. }

Theophilus, however, had complete confidence in Mary’s compassion and mercy. He continued to plead to her:

Lady, I don’t dare.
Flowering sweet briar and lily and rose,
in whom the Son of God rests,
what shall I do?
I feel myself cruelly pledged
to the furious demon.
I don’t know what to do!
I will never stop singing to you,
Virgin, Noble Young Woman,
Honored Lady.
I know well that my soul will be devoured
if I’m stuck in Hell
with Cain.

{ Dame, je n’ose.
Flors d’eglentier et lis et rose
En qui li fils Dieu se repose,
Que ferai gié?
Malement me sent engagié
Envers le maufé enragié.
Ne sai que fere!
James ne finirai de brere,
Virge, pucele debonere,
Dame honoree,
Bien sera m’ame devoree
Qu’en enfer sera demorree
Avoec Cahu. }

Although she can be prickly like a sweet briar, Mary never fails those who sincerely and urgently beg for her help. So it was for Theophilus. Mary said to him:

Theophilus, I knew you
in the past when you had served me.
Know for sure that
I shall act for you to regain your covenant
that you gave away by ignorance.
I’ll go search for it.

{ Theophile, je t’ai seu
Ca en arriere a moi eu.
Saches de voir,
Ta chartre te ferai r’avoir,
Que tu baillas par nonsavoir:
Je la vois querre. }

Mary then confronted the devil and demanded that it hand over its contract with Theophilus. The devil refused. Mary then raised her cross, struck the devil in the teeth and trod upon it, and then forcibly seized the contract. She gave it back to Theophilus.

Mary retrieving contract from devil and saving Theophilus

Even given Mary’s mercy and compassion, making a pact with the devil has consequences. Mary instructed Theophilus to have the bishop read Theophilus’s devilish contract before all the people to serve as a warning to them. That public reading would also serve as a public confession of Theophilus’s wrong. Confession is a step that all should be willing to take to save their souls. This medieval story of Theophilus’s pact with the devil ends with praise for the fully divine woman Mary and almighty God.

The fully divine woman Mary also helped a knight in love with a beautiful woman. He was in despair because that woman was spurning him. An abbot advised him to seek help from Mary the mother of God. So the knight did. Every day for a whole year he pleaded to Mary to warm the heart of his beloved and prompt her to love him. After a year of ardent prayer to Mary, she appeared to him:

The mother of God, who to many a wretch
has brought relief from wretchedness,
by her infinite goodness,
by her courteous courteousness,
she swiftly showed herself
to the one who had called and pleaded to her.
She was crowned with a crown
full of precious stones,
so sparkling, so precious,
that an eye nearly lost its sight.
She was bright and also luminous
and resplendent like a ray
of the summer morning sun.
So beautiful and bright was her face
that one who can look at her enough
is washed in a new birth by the fire of her face.
“She who has made you sigh
and has brought you to such a large error,”
said Our Lady, “Tell me, beautiful sweet friend,
is she more beautiful than I?”

{ La Mère Dieu qui maint chétif
A retrait de chétivité
Par sa grant débonnaireté
Par sa courtoise courtoisie,
Au las qui tant l’apèle et prie
Ignélement s’est demonstrée.
D’une coronne corronnée
Plaine de pierres précieuses,
Si flambolanz, si précieuses,
Pour pou li euil ne li esluisent.
Si nètement ainsi reluisent
Et resplendissent com la raie
Qui en esté au matin raie.
Tant par a bel et cler le vis,
Que buer fu nez, ce li est vis,
Qui s’i puest assez mirer.
“Cèle qui te fait soupirer
Et en si grant erreur t’a mis,”
Fait nostre dame, “biau douz amis,
Est ele plus bele que moi?” }[4]

What woman could be more beautiful than the mother of God? For a right-thinking medieval man, no woman could be. Mary was testing the knight like women test husbands and boyfriends by asking, “Do I look fat?” It’s a difficult situation:

The knight was so terrified
of her brilliance that he didn’t know what to do.
He clasped his hands in front of his face.
He had such shame and such fear
that he fell to the ground in fear.
But she in whom pity is abundant
said to him, “Beloved, now have no doubt.
I am she, without any doubt,
who you should have as your beloved.
Now, take care of what you will do.
She whom you love best
among us two will be your beloved.”

{ Li chevaliers a tel effroi
De la clarté, ne sai que face.
Ses mains giète devant sa face.
Tel hide a et tel fréeur
Chaoir se laisse de fréeur;
Mais cèle en cui pitiez est toute
Li dist: “Amis, or n’aies doute;
Je suis cèle, n’en doute mie,
Qui te doi faire avoir t’amie.
Or, pren garde que tu feras.
Cèle que tu miex ameras
De nous ii auras à amie.” }

The knight chose the only reasonable course of action given the circumstances. He gave up his former worldly love for a worldly woman, withdrew from the world, and spent the rest of his days loving the lovely Mary and praying in devotion to her. When he died a year later, Mary carried his soul to Heaven.

As the knight surely understood, Mary could be a jealous mother of God. Consider another case in which a man was preparing to be a priest. Like many holy men do, every day he prayed to Mary, the Queen of Heaven. This man’s relatives urged him to marry so as to have an heir for family property. He reluctantly agreed. On his wedding day, despite his friends and relatives’ objections, he left the wedding feast to pray to Mary according to his usual practice. While he was in prayer, Mary appeared to him:

Angrily the Mother of the King of Paradise
took him and said:
“Tell me, tell me, you who long ago
loved me so with all your heart,
why have you thrown me in filth?
Tell, tell me, where then is she
who is better and more beautiful than me?

Why, why, oh harsh-burning,
oh betraying, oh deceiving one,
why have you left me for a tiresome woman,
I who am the Queen and Lady of Heaven?
Could you make such a very bad exchange,
you who would take a strange woman,
and leave me, who with true love loves you
and who already has in Heaven prepared for you
in my chambers a lavish bed
for your soul to rest in great delight?
What a great wonder for you to make such a mistake!
Unless you quickly take other advice,
in Heaven your bed will be unmade,
and in the flames of Hell it will be remade.

{ Iréement li prent à dire
La Mère au Roy de paradis:
“Di moi, di moi, tu que jadis
M’amoies tant de tout ton coeur,
Pourquoi m’as tu jeté puer?
Di moi, di moi, où est dont cèle
Qui plus de moi bone est et bèle?

Pourquoi, pourquoi, las durfeus,
Las engignez, las déceuz,
Me lais pour une lasse fame,
Qui suis du ciel Royne et Dame?
Enne fais-tu trop mauvais change,
Qui tu por une fame estrange
Me laisses, qui par amors t’amoie
Et jà ou ciel t’apareilloie
En mes chambres un riche lit
Por couchier t’ame à grand delit?
Trop par as faites grant merveilles.
S’autrement tost ne te conseilles,
Ou ciel serra tes lits deffaiz,
Et en la flamme d’enfer faiz. }[5]

The right course of action was obvious. The man returned to the wedding feast and announced that he was leaving his new bride to dedicate himself in holy life to Mary the mother of God. That’s not as shocking and cruel as Valerian’s wedding night experience with Cecilia and her threatening angel lover. But surely the bride was distraught that she wouldn’t enjoy her husband’s wonderful, life-generating love.[6] No woman, however, could realistically hope to be more beloved of medieval Christian men than Mary.

Clerk of Pisa: clerk forced to marry, but Mary intervenes and insists that he should marry her

Despite assertions to the contrary in modern myths, women controlled medieval European society, and Mary the mother of God above all. Medieval devils complained bitterly about Mary’s absolute rule:

In Heaven and earth the Lady is more
by far than God himself.
He loves her and believes her so
that there’s nothing she can do or say
that he’ll refuse to do or contradict.
What she wants is believed to be right,
though she say that black is white
and that muddy water is fully clear.
God’s command: “My mother says, so it shall be!”

{ En ciel et en terre est plus Dame
Par un petit que Diex ne soit.
Il l’aimme tant et tant la croit,
N’est riens qu’elle face ne die,
Qu’il desveile ne contredie.
Quant qu’elle veut li fait acroire,
S’elle disoit la pie est noire
Et l’eue trouble est toute clere.
“Si diroit il voir, dit ma Mère!” }[7]

As the mother of God, Mary was special. Medieval literature, however, depicted Mary as an ordinary, fully divine woman. Both women and men could thus easily relate to Mary. Anyone who seriously studies the medieval cult of Mary will learn more about gender from that cult than from studying all the ridiculous, cultic articles that modern gender scholars publish. Given the fanaticism of modern gender dogmatists and the oppressive powers of their propaganda and penal apparatuses, it’s a miracle that we are still permitted to read the medieval miracles of “Our Lady {Nostre Dame}.”

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Read more:

Notes:

[1] Rutebeuf, The Miracle of Theophilus {Le Miracle de Theophile} vv. 424-31, Old French text from Kressner (1885) p. 206ff, my English translation, benefiting from that of Axton & Stevens (1971). The edition of Jubinal (1839) is available in electronic form. The Old French text of Zink (1989) is available from the Rutebeuf website.

Rutebeuf was a Paris-based poet-singer who flourished in the middle of the thirteenth century. He produced a large corpus of various genres of poetry.

Le Miracle de Theophile is a version among many accounts of the sixth-century Theophilus of Adana’s legendary pact with devil. Theophilus is rooted in ancient Greek words for “lover of God.” On the Theophilus legend in medieval manuscripts and images, Root (2017) and Cothren (1984).

In a legend arising between the seventh and ninth centuries and associated with the life of Saint Basel, Proterius gave his soul to the devil in exchange for a woman’s love. See my post on Hellish bureaucracy. On pacts with the devil from the early fourteenth century to the present, Hansen (2016).

[2] Rutebeuf, Le Miracle de Theophile vv. 432-43, Old French text from Kressner (1885), English translation from the nice verse rendition of Axton & Stevens (1971).

[3] Rutebeuf, Le Miracle de Theophile v. 540, Old French text from Kressner (1885), my English translation, benefiting from that Axton & Stevens (1971) and notes and translation of Bauer & Slocum (undated).

Subsequent quotes from Le Miracle de Theophile are similarly sourced. They are vv. 541-51 (Greetings, Lady!…), 552-3 (I have no concern for your flattering babble…), 554-66 (Lady, I don’t dare…), 567-72 (Theophilus, I knew you…).

[4] Gautier de Coincy, The miracles of Our Lady {Les miracles de Nostre Dame}, About a knight to whom Our Lady appeared when he was praying {D’un chevalier a qui Nostre Dame s’aparut quant il oroit} vv. 184-203, Old French text from Poquet (1889) column 537, my English translation, benefitting from that of Adams (1904) p. 270. Poquet’s edition is “incomplete and very faulty {incomplète et très fautive}” Kjellman (1921) p. 588, n. 1. Unfortunately, it’s the best edition readily available to me. The current best edition apparently is Koenig (1961-66). The subsequent quote above is similarly from this miracle, vv. 204-15.

Gautier de Coincy wrote early in the thirteenth century and drew upon a developed tradition of miracles of the Virgin Mary. Most of his miracles are translated from Latin sources. David (2009) p. 154. Guatier’s D’un chevalier a qui Nostre Dame s’aparut quant il oroit drew upon the Latin Sermon on the conception of blessed Mary {Sermo de conceptione beatae Mariae}. Kjellman (1921) pp. 592-4. “The predominant images of Mary in Gautier’s oeuvre are beauty, power, and compassion.” David (2009) p. 158. For a later medieval miracle collection in English translation, Swinton Bland (1928).

Showing sensitivity to men’s disadvantaged position under Christianity, Gautier de Coincy repeatedly present the idea of being married to Mary in one’s heart. For example, he wrote:

Let us marry the Virgin Mary.
No one can mis-marry with her.
Know for truth
that one who marries her
can never marry higher.

{ Marions nous a la virge Marie.
Nus ne se puet en li mesmarïer.
Sachiez de voir,
a li que se marie
Plus hautement ne se puet marïer. }

Gautier de Coincy, Book 1, Song 4, stanza 4, Old French text from Koenig (1966) vol. 1, p. 30, English translation (modified) from Davis, Akehurst & Gérard (2011) p. 121. Medieval nuns and other holy women commonly understood themselves to be brides of Christ. Being married to the Virgin Mary provided for clerics and other holy men a gender-counterpart to being a bride of Christ.

[5] Gautier de Coincy, The miracles of Our Lady {Les miracles de Nostre Dame}, About a clerk who married a woman and then left her {Du clerc qui fame espousa et puis la lessa} vv. 282-98, 297-310, Old French text from Poquet (1889) column 637, my English translation, benefiting from that of Adams (1904) p. 271.

This miracle, known as The Clerk of Pisa {Le clerc de Pise} or The Clerk of Rome, occurs in a variety of versions. Kraemer (1950) includes a study of Gautier’s sources. For an early Latin version, Ristucca (2018). For an early review of The Clerk of Pisa miracle type, Baum (1919) pp. 552-4.

Women’s competitiveness toward women love rivals has long been recognized. An ancient Aesop fable told of two woman who tried to make their beloved man look more suitable for each of them:

A woman, no rustic, hiding her old age with elegance,
kept hold on a certain middle-aged man.
A beautiful young woman had also captured his soul.
Both women, desiring to appear the same age as him,
began in turn to pluck out his hair.
While he thought the women’s care was grooming him,
he was quickly made bald, for by the roots
the young woman pulled out his white hair and the old woman his black hair.

{ Aetatis mediae quendam mulier non rudis
tenebat, annos celans elegantia,
animosque eiusdem pulchra iuvenis ceperat.
ambae, videri dum volunt illi pares,
capillos homini legere coepere invicem.
qui se putaret fingi cura mulierum,
calvus repente factus est; nam funditus
canos puella, nigros anus evellerat. }

Phaedrus, fable 2.2, “An old woman in love with a younger man, and a young woman in love with him, too {Anus diligens iuvenem, item puella}, Latin text from Perry (1965), my English translation, benefiting from that of id. The fable is identified as Perry 31. Laura Gibb’s excellent Aesop fables sites provides a variety of alternate versions.

[6] The extent of ideological obfuscation around medieval gender can scarcely be exaggerated. For example, in discussing medieval women’s wide range of choices for a husband, a British Library blog post began:

Career options for medieval women were limited. If they were lucky they could choose between getting married or entering a convent. For some, the latter was preferable to becoming a wife, who was often treated as little more than one of her husband’s possessions.

Westwell (2014). In historical reality, medieval women and men didn’t think in terms of “career options.” They thought about how they could acquire resources to take care of their family and themselves and have their own children. Medieval women had better opportunities to marry than did medieval men. A young medieval woman who had useful skills in making food, clothing, and utensils and who wasn’t a shrew or a whore typically didn’t need luck to get married. A woman was much more likely to become a domestic servant or even a farm laborer than to enter a convent. Medieval husbands typically didn’t treat their wives as merely one of their possessions. Medieval men themselves found belief in husbands ruling over their wives to be laughable.

[7] Gautier de Coincy, The miracles of Our Lady {Les miracles de Nostre Dame}, About a monk who had perished because of his sin and that Our Lady resuscitated {Du moine que Nostre-Dame resuscita qui estoit péris par son péchié} vv. 178-86, Old French text from Poquet (1889) column 463, my English translation, benefiting from that of Adams (1904) p. 274.

[images] (1) Theophilus {Theophile} making a pact with the devil and signing it with his own blood. Excerpt (color enhanced) from folio 255v of Book of Hours, Use of Maastricht (The Maastricht Hours) made in the first quarter of the fourteenth century. Preserved as British Library, Stowe MS 17 (alternate version). (2) Mary retrieving contract from devil and saving Theophilus. Illumination from instance of Gautier de Coinci, Miracles of Our Lady {Miracles de Nostre Dame}, made in Paris in 1327 by Jean de Senlis (scribe), Fauvel Master (illuminator). Excerpt of folio 6v from The Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek National {Library of the Netherlands}, MS 71 A 24. (3) Clerk shows Mary a wedding ring indicating that he is being forced to marry a worldly woman. Mary, however, insists that the clerk must marry her (clerk of Pisa miracle). Similarly from Gautier de Coinci, Miracles de Nostre Dame, excerpt of folio 20v of KB, MS 71 A 24.

References:

Adams, Henry. 1904. Mont Saint Michel and Chartres. Cambridge, MA: Riverside Press.

Axton, Richard, and John E. Stevens, trans. 1971. Medieval French Plays. New York: Barnes & Noble.

Baum, Paull Franklin. 1919. “The Young Man Betrothed to a Statue.” PMLA. 34 (4): 523-579.

Bauer, Brigitte L.M. and Jonathan Slocum. Undated. “Old French Online: Lesson 9.” Linguistics Research Center, The University of Texas at Austin.

Cothren, Michael W. 1984. “The Iconography of Theophilus Windows in the First Half of the Thirteenth Century.” Speculum. 59 (2): 308-341.

David, Judith M. 2009. ‘The “Imaginative Theology” of Mary in Medieval French Literature.’ Marian Studies. 60 (9): 150-172.

Davis, Judith M. and F. R. P Akehurst, trans. and Gros Gérard, ed. 2011. Our Lady’s Lawsuits in L’advocacie Nostre Dame (Our Lady’s Advocacy); and La Chapelerie Nostre Dame De Baiex (the Benefice of Our Lady’s Chapel in Bayeux). Tempe, AZ: ACMRS (Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies).

Hansen, Janice. 2016. Redeeming Faustus: Tracing the Pacts of Mariken and Faust from the 1500s to the Present. Ph.D. Thesis, Carolina-Duke Graduate Program in German Studies, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Graduate School.

Kjellman, Hilding. 1921. “Sur deux épisodes de Gautier de Coincy.” Romania. 47 (188): 588-594.

Koenig, Frederic V., ed. 1961-66. Gautier de Coincy. Les miracles de Notre Dame. Geneve: Droz.

Kraemer, Erik von. 1950. Du clerc qui fame espousa et puis la lessa, miracle de Gautier de Coinci, publié d’après quinze manuscrits. Helsinki: Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae.

Kressner, Adolf, ed. 1885. Rustebuef’s Gedichte: nach den Handschriften der Pariser National-Bibliothek. Wolfenbüttel: Zwissler.

Perry, Ben Edwin, ed. and trans. 1965. Babrius and Phaedrus Fables. Loeb Classical Library 436. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Poquet, Alexandre, ed. 1889. Les miniatures des miracles de la Sainte Vierge, d’après le manuscrit de Gautier de Coincy (fin du XIIIe siècle). Reims: Impr. de Matot-Braine.

Ristuccia, Nathan J. 2018. “The Clerk of Rome: A Miracle of the Virgin before the Twelfth-Century Reforms.” Revue Bénédictine. 128 (2): 327-346.

Root, Jerry. 2017. The Theophilus Legend in Medieval Text and Image. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer. Review by Marie Charbonnel and by Richard K. Emmerson.

Swinton Bland, C. C., trans. 1928. Miracles of the Blessed Virgin Mary by Johannes Herolt, called Discipulus (1435-1440); translated from the Latin, with a preface and notes by C.C. Swinton Bland and an introduction by Eileen Power. London: Routledge.

Westwell, Chantry. 2014. “Choosing a Husband: Brains or Brawn, Money or Looks?” British Library, Medieval manuscripts blog, post on July 24, 2014.

Zink, Michel, ed. and trans. (French). 1989. Rutebeuf. Oeuvres complètes. Paris: Éd. Classiques Garnier.

“lead us not into temptation”: ancient, holy struggle

In the gospels of Matthew and Luke, followers of Jesus ask him to teach them how to pray. Jesus then teaches them a prayer.[1] A slightly elaborated version of that prayer has come to be known as the Lord’s Prayer or the Our Father {Pater Noster}. That prayer has Christians pray to God to “lead us not into temptation.” Such a prayer makes some today feel uncomfortable. Would God lead persons into temptation, rightly understood as a test or trial?

Widespread aversion to struggle is an unusual cultural development. Struggle fundamentally shapes the ancient Greek epics the Iliad and the Odyssey. Hebrew scripture chronicles the struggles of God’s chosen people to be faithful to their God. The biblical Book of Job represents personally bewildering aspects of the struggle to be faithful. So too does God’s command to Abraham to sacrifice his only child Isaac. Cultures around the Mediterranean for hundreds of years after the birth of Jesus supported intense competition among elite men to show superiority in learning and eloquence. The apostle Paul declared, “I have fought the good fight, I have finished the race, I have kept the faith.”[2] In common experience, progress in most endeavors requires trials, tests, and struggle.

The ancient Greek text of the gospels of Matthew and Luke record Jesus instructing his followers to pray “lead us not into trial / test / temptation {μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς ἡμᾶς εἰς πειρασμόν}.” The ancient Greek phrase “μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς” consist of the negative particle μὴ and the compound verb εἰσφέρω formed from the preposition “into {εἰς}” and the verb “carry / bear {φέρω}.” Thus the inflected form “μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς” means “do not carry us / do not lead us.” Tertullian, writing about 200 GC, translated “μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς ἡμᾶς εἰς πειρασμόν” into Latin as “do not lead us into temptation {ne nos inducas in temptationem}.”[3] Other early church fathers, including the influential, faithful translator Saint Jerome, translated “μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς ἡμᾶς εἰς πειρασμόν” into Latin in the same way. Tertullian himself apparently was troubled by the sense of God leading us into a trial. Nonetheless, that’s what the gospels say.

Lord's prayer written in Syriac

Christians might take some comfort from the gospels telling of God leading Jesus into trials. Before Jesus began his public ministry, John the Baptist baptized Jesus in the Jordan River. According to Matthew’s gospel, when Jesus came up from the waters of the Jordan, the sky opened, a dove descended and alighted on Jesus, and a voice from Heaven said, “This is my beloved Son.” The dove became a symbol of the Holy Spirit, an aspect of God. But this father-God then immediately put his beloved Son to a difficult test:

Then Jesus was led up by the Spirit into the wilderness to be tempted by the devil. And after fasting forty days and forty nights, he was hungry.

{ τότε ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἀνήχθη εἰς τὴν ἔρημον ὑπὸ τοῦ πνεύματος πειρασθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ διαβόλου. καὶ νηστεύσας ἡμέρας τεσσεράκοντα καὶ νύκτας τεσσεράκοντα ὕστερον ἐπείνασεν. }[4]

The Spirit that led Jesus into the wilderness was the Holy Spirit, an aspect of God. The struggle of Jesus in the desert with the devil / tempter seems to have been necessary to strength him to perform his mission. Perhaps Christians might understand their trials and temptations as leading them likewise.

Trails, tests, temptations, and other struggles aren’t pleasant. Moreover, success in any real struggle isn’t guaranteed. One would prefer to be delivered from the evil of having to struggle. Jesus advised his followers to pray, “lead us not into temptation.” The need for that prayer suggests that God might lead persons into temptations or trials. Christians led into trials should pray that they will prevail as Christ did when the Spirit led him into the wilderness.

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Read more:

Notes:

[1] Matthew 6:9-13, Luke 11:2-4. For various textual forms, see the Wikipedia article on the Lord’s Prayer.

[2] 2 Timothy 4:7. Psalm 26:2 declares:

Prove me, O Lord, and try me.
Test my heart and my mind.

{ בְּחָנֵנִי יְהוָה וְנַסֵּנִי צרופה כִלְיֹותַי וְלִבִּי׃ }

See similarly Psalm 139:23.

[3] Tertullian, On prayer {De oratione} 8, Latin text of Evans (1953a), my English translation. For a full English translation of De oratione, Evans (1953b). Jerome also translated Matthew 6:13 / Luke 11:4, as “ne nos inducas in temptationem {lead us not into temptation}.” On early Latin variants of “lead us not into temptation,” Higgins (1945).

Tertullian himself was uncomfortable with the language of Matthew 6:13 / Luke 11:4, as he understood it. He thus added an interpretive gloss:

“Lead us not into temptation,” that is, suffer us not to be led, surely by him who tempts.

{ NE NOS INDUCAS IN TEMPTATIONEM, id est, ne nos pariaris induci, ab eo utique qui temptat. }

Tertullian, On prayer {De oratione} 8, Latin text of Evans (1953a), my English translation.

While translating “μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς” accurately into Latin, Tertullian argued that God shouldn’t be supposed to tempt. Such concern perhaps was felt even earlier:

Let no one say when he is tempted, “I am being tempted by God,” for God cannot be tempted with evil, and he himself tempts no one. But each person is tempted when he is lured and enticed by his own desire.

{ μηδεὶς πειραζόμενος λεγέτω ὅτι ἀπὸ θεοῦ πειράζομαι ὁ γὰρ θεὸς ἀπείραστός ἐστιν κακῶν πειράζει δὲ αὐτὸς οὐδένα, ἕκαστος δὲ πειράζεται ὑπὸ τῆς ἰδίας ἐπιθυμίας ἐξελκόμενος καὶ δελεαζόμενος }

James 1:13-14. James surely wrote with knowledge of the gospel tradition of the Lord’s Prayer. Paul in Corinthians teaches more obliquely about God’s relation to temptation:

God is faithful, and he will not let you be tempted beyond your ability, but with the temptation he will also provide the way of escape, that you may be able to endure it.

{ θεός ὃς οὐκ ἐάσει ὑμᾶς πειρασθῆναι ὑπὲρ ὃ δύνασθε ἀλλὰ ποιήσει σὺν τῷ πειρασμῷ καὶ τὴν ἔκβασιν τοῦ δύνασθαι ὑπενεγκεῖν }

1 Corinthians 10:13.

The Catechism of the Catholic Church 2846 states about the received, ancient Greek text of Matthew 6:13 / Luke 11:4, “μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς ἡμᾶς εἰς πειρασμόν”:

It is difficult to translate the Greek verb used by a single English word: the Greek means both “do not allow us to enter into temptation” and “do not let us yield to temptation.”

That seems to be factually incorrect. Similarly, Doyle (2018) and Doyle (2022).

In accordance with the arguments of Tertullian, De oratione 8, Pope Francis in 2019 approved a change in the translation of the Lord’s Prayer in the Italian Roman Missal: “e non ci indurre in tentazione {and lead us not into temptation}” was changed to “e non abbandonarci alla tentazione {and do not abandon us to temptation}.” The process of making that change encouraged careful study and discussion of the original Greek text of the gospels. See, e.g. Grimbilas (2017), Williams (2019). Pope Francis hasn’t attempted to decree that Christians faithful to the Catholic church magisterium cannot pray the Lord’s Prayer in the best translation into their ordinary language, as they judge the best translation based on their study and reason. For a somewhat related controversy, consider the attempt to ban the prayer “Ave Marie” in sixteenth-century England.

[4] Matthew 4:1-2.

[image] The Lord’s Prayer written in Syriac. Source image thanks to Ranbar and Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Doyle, Father Kenneth. 2018. “‘Lead us not’ into sausage on Ash Wednesday.” CatholicPhilly. Online. Posted May 23, 2018.

Doyle, Father Kenneth. 2022. “Father Kenneth Doyle: Why ‘Lead us not into temptation?’ Can you bring up the collection basket to the altar?” Hawaii Catholic Herald. Online. Posted March, 2, 2022.

Grimbilas, George. 2017. “Lead us not into mistranslation.” Dispatch, New Criterion. Posted Dec. 19, 2017.

Higgins, A. J. B. 1945. “‘Lead us not into temptation’: Some Latin Variants.” The Journal of Theological Studies. 46 (183-184): 179-183.

Williams, Peter D. 2019. “Where Pope Francis went wrong with his new translation of the Lord’s Prayer.” Premier Christianity. Posted June 11, 2019.

Ovid & Jerome vs. courtly love letters by formulae template

While men tend to be romantically simple, some men who consider themselves educated and sophisticated write flowery, courtly love letters to women. More than 1600 years ago, both the Master Teacher of Love Ovid and the Doctor of the Christian Church Saint Jerome taught men not to write contrived love letters. Nonetheless, courtly love letters became so popular that medieval scribes included templates for them in their reference books of form letters, called formulae. Now more than ever, men must learn well the classical love-letter teachings of Ovid and Jerome.

With his gender-subtlety and ironic brilliance, Ovid could easily be misunderstood. In ancient Rome, letters were commonly written on wax tablets. Ovid ostensibly advised young men to write fawning love-letters to women:

Try wax on well-scraped tablets to smooth the way.
Let wax go first as your heart’s privy-counselor.
Let it bear your fawning words, and imitate a lover’s
words. Without exception, whoever you are, add in begging.

{ Cera vadum temptet, rasis infusa tabellis:
Cera tuae primum conscia mentis eat.
Blanditias ferat illa tuas imitataque amantem
Verba; nec exiguas, quisquis es, adde preces. }[1]

Why would a man in love have to imitate a lover’s words? One might think that Ovid was advising men to act like Propertius did toward his beloved Cynthia. But, as great teachers do, Ovid elaborated his teaching in a way that should prompt thought:

Young Roman men, study the good arts, I tell you,
but not only to support trembling defendants.
Like the people, like the solemn judge, like the chosen Senate,
defeated by your eloquence, a young woman will give herself into your hands.
But hide your manliness. Don’t be forward with your speaking skill.
Your remarks should avoid tiresome words.
Who, other than the weak-minded, would speechify to a tender girlfriend?
Often a letter has been a strong cause of hatred.
Let your speech be credible by using words customary,
though fawning. Speak as if you were there in person.

{ Disce bonas artes, moneo, Romana iuventus,
Non tantum trepidos ut tueare reos;
Quam populus iudexque gravis lectusque senatus,
Tam dabit eloquio victa puella manus.
Sed lateant vires, nec sis in fronte disertus;
Effugiant voces verba molesta tuae.
Quis, nisi mentis inops, tenerae declamat amicae?
Saepe valens odii littera causa fuit.
Sit tibi credibilis sermo consuetaque verba,
Blanda tamen, praesens ut videare loqui. }

Ovid’s advice on speaking is actually advice on writing a love letter. Moreover, that advice contradicts itself. Formal speaking skill is associated with tiresome words. A man’s words should be “customary, though fawning.” Most men don’t typically use fawning words other than to women that they desperately want to have as their lovers. Ovid teaches men that words are slippery tools. Letters meant to prompt love can cause hate. Ovid’s subtle lesson: don’t write love letters. Speak to a woman in person and use ordinary language.

Saint Jerome, not surprisingly since he was a saint, was much more charitable toward love-lorn men. He bluntly told them what they needed to know:

A holy love has nothing to do with frequent little gifts of cloth bands, pressing one’s mouth to clothes, tasting each other’s food, and fawning and sweet letters. “My honey, my light, my desire,” and such other follies of lovers, all delights and charms and ridiculous proper courtesies — we blush at such things in stage comedies and we detest them in men of the world.

{ crebra munuscula et orariola et fasciolas. et vestes ori adplicatas et degustatos cibos blandasque et dulces litterulas sanctus amor non habet. “mel meum, lumen meum meumque desiderium” et ceteras ineptias amatorum, omnes delicias et lepores et risu dignas urbanitates in comoediis erubescimus, in saeculi hominibus detestamur }[2]

Courtly love letters are not only foolish and ineffective, but also unholy. So saith Saint Jerome. A more truly Christian model of worldly love is Walter and Hildegund’s love in the tenth-century Waltharius.

Despite the love-letter teachings of Ovid and Jerome, medieval men wrote courtly love letters to women. In fact, writing courtly love letters to women was such a common practice that by early in the ninth century at least one formulae contained a standard-form love letter:

Lovingly loving and insatiably desiring her, whom I much desire, my honey-sweetest and most beloved of all girlfriend (insert her name), I in God’s name, I (insert your name) send you greetings through this letter and as much joy as is contained in the fullness of our hearts. And these greetings walk though the clouds, and the sun and moon bring them to you.

When I lie down,
you are in my heart.
And when I sleep,
I dream always of you.

Be well by day and traverse pleasant nights and always have your boyfriend in mind. Do not forget him, and I will not do so to you.

You devise one strategy,
and I’ll devise another
by which with guile
we’ll fulfill our desire.

May He who reigns in Heaven and provides for all lead you into my arms before I die.

{ Amabiliter amando et insaciabiliter desiderando dulcissima atque in omnibus amatissima, multum mihi desiderabilem melliflua amica mea illa, ego in Dei nomine, ego mando tibi salutes usque ad gaudium per
has apices, quantum cordis nostrae continet plenitudo. Et ipsi salutes inter nubes ambulant, sol et luna ejus deducant ad te.

Ego quando jaceo,
tu mihi es in animo.
Et quando dormio,
semper de te somnio.

Bene habeas in die et noctes suavis transeas et amico tuo semper in mente habeas nec ponas illum in oblivione, quia ego tibi non facio.

Tu pensas unum consilium,
et ego penso alterum,
per qualem ingenio
implemus desiderium

Qui regnat in celo et providet omnia, tradat te in manibus meis, antequam moriar. }[3]

This love letter is a mixture of prose and poetry (prosimetrum). It’s written in an urbane literary tradition running through Petronius’s Satyricon (c. 65 GC), Botheus’s Consolation of Philosophy {De consolatione philosophiae} (c. 524 GC), Bernard Silvestris’s Cosmographia (c. 1147), and Aucassin et Nicolette (c. 1200). Its existence as a form letter emphasizes its contrived elegance. A form love letter, even a elaborately courtly one, is not romantic in the sense of a spontaneous outpouring of personal feelings. Jerome ridiculed this sort of love letter.

form-letter love letter in medieval Formulae Salicae Merkelianae

Working at the Abbey of Clairvaux in 1471, the young monk Johannes de Vepria added a large set of courtly love letters to his formulae. Here’s one of his letter templates for a man to use in writing to a beloved woman:

To the greatest comfort of weary spirits, to complete joy, solid hope, and abode of all that is joyful, from him for whom your breath is honeyed breeze, for whom your gaze is clearest light:

What else but the longest life would suffice for your great attractiveness? That you, sweetest one, establish my love as the necessary cause for your writing, I accept just as I gladly hold you firmly clasped in the tightest chain of true love. Your actions, which overflow with so frequent benefits, prove that it is easy to trust in your words, for your actions make obvious that your love is not cold. Even with a silent tongue, through deeds you speak sufficiently about him whom you claim to love.

{ Summo lassorum animorum solamini, gaudio integro, spei solide, omnium demum que locunda sunt domicilio, ille cui tuus spiritus mellis est haustus, cui tuus intuitus clarissimum lumen est:

quid aliud nisi ut magne suavitati tue longissima vita sufficiat? Quod amorem meum dulcissima scribendi necessarium tibi causam constituis, ita gratanter accipio, sicut artissima vere dilectionis cathena te firmiter astrictam teneo. Verbis eciam tuis ut facillima fides sit, opera tua probant, que ita frequentibus beneficiis redundant, ut apertum sit amorem tuum frigidum non esse, et eum quem te amare testaris, lingua eciam tacente, factis sufficienter loqueris. }[4]

The salutation of this love-letter template is a concatenation of conventional love expressions. Its body expresses men’s typical interest in the bodily aspects of love. Many men throughout the medieval period probably used this and similar love-letter templates. Perhaps even Peter Abelard early in the twelfth century sent a version of this form letter to his beloved Heloise of the Paraclete.[5]

Love letter 105 from man to woman in medieval Epistolae duorum amantium

The Master Teacher of Love Ovid and Doctor of the Christian Church Saint Jerome didn’t teach men to write form-letter courtly love letters. Ovid satirized the learned love conventions of Roman elegy. He would have winced at the plain banality of form love letters. Perhaps he would have grimaced in thinking that such letters might lead to castration. Jerome, moreover, was a caring and devoted teacher. He taught women in outrageous ways what he thought was best for them as beloved children of God. Jerome probably regarded love letters in formulae as serving mass-produced idols far inferior to the intensely personal passion of Jesus Christ. With respect to Ovid and Jerome’s teachings on love letters, the subsequent history of love letters indicates that classics has failed in teaching men.

medieval knight knocked off horse

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Notes:

[1] Ovid, Art of Love {Ars Amatoria} 1.437-40, Latin text from Ehwald’s Teubner edition (1907) via Perseus, my English translation. The subsequent quote above is similarly sourced from Ars Amatoria 1.459-68. A. S. Kline’s translation is freely available online.

Ovid, who with his practical help for men in love promoted gender equality, offered similar letter-writing advice to women in love:

Young women, write clean, but middling, customary
words. The public manner of speech pleases.
Ah! How often a letter has ignited an uncertain lover,
and a barbaric tongue hurt a lovely shape!

{ Munda, sed e medio consuetaque verba, puellae,
Scribite: sermonis publica forma placet;
A! quotiens dubius scriptis exarsit amator,
Et nocuit formae barbara lingua bonae! }

Ars Amatoria 3.479-82, similarly sourced. Here the adjectives mundus, medius, and publica hint ironically at Ovid’s recognition that some women have strong, independent sexuality. Ovid also wrote the fictional love letters of the Heroides.

Medieval European writers regarded Ovid as a master teacher of love. But many medieval writers misunderstood Ovid to support courtly love. For example, a thirteenth-century Old French adaptation of Ovid’s Ars amatoria straightforwardly emphasized courtliness in love letters:

Now write therefore in such a way
at first to your dear lady
so that there isn’t a word of baseness
but those of honor and courtesy.
By your letters you will ask
to have her love and her heart.

{ Or escri donc en tel maniere
au premier a ta dame chiere
qu’il n’i ait mot de vilanie,
mes d’enor et de cortoisie.
Par tes letres porras aquerre
s’amour et son courage enquerre. }

The Key to Love {La clef d’amors} vv. 689-94, Old French text from Doutrepont (1890), my English translation. For a loose English verse translation of La clef d’amors, vv. 169-1296 (with small omissions), Shapiro (1997) pp. 12-42.

Verses from a motet probably composed in Paris in the second half of the thirteenth century offers better wisdom:

Love that comes by letter
will not last long.

{ Amours qui vient par mesage
Ne pourroit longues durer }

Old French text from the Bamberg manuscript via Uulders (2010) p. 7, my English translation.

For an example of a classic, contrived love letter, see Pliny the Younger’s love letter to his wife Calpurnia. Aristaenetus’s letters are more earthy and realistic.

[2] Jerome, Letters 52 (To Nepotian) 5.7, Latin text from Cain (2013), my English translation benefiting from those of id., Carroll (1956), Wright (1933) and Freemantle (1892). My translation is more literal than Cain’s, but consistent with its meaning. Cain’s Latin text is that of Hilberg (1910), with eighteen changes other than punctuation and orthography. Wright’s Latin text is also from Hilberg and identical to Cain’s for the above quote.

Nepotian left civil service to become a Christian priest. He then became a presbyter at Altinum, near Venice in northern Italy. Nepotian’s uncle Heliodurus was bishop of Altinum and Jerome’s friend. Jerome wrote this letter to Nepotian in mid-393 GC. Cain (2013) p. 2. Jerome evidently intended a wider readership than Nepotian for this long, erudite letter. In the medieval period it was widely read. It survives in nearly 300 manuscripts. Id. p. 22.

Regarding Jerome’s reference to comedies, Cain commented:

Jer. means primarily the comedies of Plautus and Terence — as literary artifacts, that is, not as theatrical productions, for by his time these ‘classics’ were not longer performed on stage

Id. p. 152.

[3] Formulae Salicae Merkelianae, “Form to a betrothed woman {Indiculum ad sponsam},” Latin text of MS. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 612 (written in ninth century), folios 29r-v, as printed in Zeumer (1882) p. 258 (formula 47), my English translation, benefiting from the English translation of Torta (2017) and the French translation of Bourgain (2005) p. 161-3, adapted slightly in Uulders (2010) pp. 35-6. This form love letter apparently dates to 790-810 GC.

This form love letter would apply equally well to any girlfriend. A compiler probably indicated “ad sponsam” for the sake of propriety. Perhaps another compiler earlier appended the comment:

This is an excellent greeting between two young persons. The one sends it to the other and neither is satisfied with only this.

{ Haec est magna salutatio inter duos juvenis; alter alterius transmittit et neminem sufficit. }

Sourced as previously. That compiler apparently imagined this form letter to be propitious for amorous seduction.

About forty manuscripts of form letters / formularies {formulae} survive, most from the late eighth and ninth centuries. Brown (2017) pp. 98-9. The type of forms included in formulae vary widely. The forms were intended to be useful models:

the formulas are characterized by a clear intent to reuse or learn from the text included in them, either as frameworks for producing new documents, as sources of formulaic language, as teaching texts, or simply as records of really interesting kinds of transactions.

Id. p. 99. For more on formulae manuscripts and their historical value, Rio (2009).

[4] Letters of Two Lovers {Epistolae duorum amantium} 105, Latin text from Mews & Chiavaroli (2001) pp. 280-2, my English translation, benefiting from that of id. and Newman (2016) p. 220. The first publication of Epistolae duorum amantium was Könsgen (1974).

On loving not in word or speech but in deed and in truth, 1 John 3:18, as noted by Könsgen (1974) p. 58. Regarding “the chain of true love {vere dilectionis cathena},” Newman commented:

The “chain of love,” a metaphor often used by the Woman {nos. 55, 71, 76, 84), would soon take visual form in the motif of a woman leading a man by a tether wound tightly about his neck.

Newman (2016) p. 220. Women should not treat men as their dogs or as their prisoners.

Epistolae duorum amantium survives in only one manuscript: France, Troyes, Médiathèque municipale MS. 1452. For its formulae, the compiler / scribe Johannes de Vepria drew upon authors ranging from Cyprian of Carthage (d. 258) to the dictores “Transmundus of Clairvaux (d. after 1216), Jean de Limoges (d. mid-thirteenth century), and a contemporary rhetorician, Carolus Virulus (d. 1493).” Newman (2016) p. 53. De Vepria’s omission of Ovid, Augustine, Jerome, Anselm, Bernard, and others suggests that his concern wasn’t stylistic elegance but everyday usefulness. Cf. id. Ordinary usefulness is a central characteristic of formulae. Rio (2009), Brown (2017). Moreover, de Vepria’s omission of the pioneering dictore Boncompagno of Signa suggests that he had a conventional view of courtly love.

[5] Whether Epistolae duorum amantium is properly ascribed to Heloise and Abelard has been a matter of considerable scholarly controversy. Dronke observed, “it is often impossible to demarcate the ‘artificial’ from the natural in medieval letters.” Dronke (1965) vol. 1, p. 482. Yet expressive quality can be judged. In the Epistolae duorum amantium, the man’s Latin is “barely competent.” Ziolkowski (2004) p. 186. The man’s poetry within Epistolae duorum amantium is like “yeomanly products of verse making,” “the work of a schoolboy or apprentice poet.” Jaeger (2005) p. 136. Abelard was recognized as a brilliant poet. To the question “Do the man’s letters resemble the known works of Abelard?”, Newman conceded, “Very little.” Newman (2016) p. 65. Ziolkowski struggled to imagine Abelard writing such love letters:

I find it hard to accept that his love letters would diverge so starkly in thought and expression from his other writings. Could Abelard have revealed his hidden pedestrian side, an inner poetaster that he kept hidden from the world at large, only on the wax tablets he dispatched to his paramour?

Ziolkowski (2004) p. 188. Detailed philological analysis indicates that Epistolae duorum amantium were meant as a parody, perhaps of the famous couple Heloise and Abelard. Schnell (2022).

Medieval formulae include documents of widely varying literary qualities. That’s consistent with the higher literary quality of the woman’s love letters compared to the man’s in the formulae love letters of Epistolae duorum amantium. Jerome criticized men for sending contrived courtly love letters like Epistolae duorum amantium 105. Yet men evidently continued to do so.

Why would any man use a contrived courtly love letter like the form letter Epistolae duorum amantium 105? Given men’s gender burden of soliciting and performing in amorous relationships, love letters apparently haven’t been a means for men to express their personal, complex, and authentic feelings. Medieval men’s actual social position in relation to women has been ignored in the authorship controversy about Epistolae duorum amantium. See, e.g., Marenbon (2008). Epistolae duorum amantium is most valuable in testifying to social constraints on men’s amatory expression.

[images] (1) Form-letter love letter in ninth-century Formulae Salicae Merkelianae. From folio 29r of MS. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 612. (2) Love letter 105 from man to woman in Epistolae duorum amantium. From folio 167r of Médiathèque de Troyes Champagne Métropole. Ms. 1452. (3) Knight knocked off his horse. From Kottenkamp, Franz, and Friedrich Martin von Reibisch. 1842. Der Rittersaal, eine Geschichte des Ritterthums, seines Enstehens und Fortgangs, seiner Gebräuche und Sitten. Stuttgart: Carl Hoffmann. Thanks to Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Bourgain, Pascale. 2005. Le Latin Médiéval. Turnhout: Brepols.

Brown, Warren. 2017. “Old Media Put to New Uses: Legal Form Books in Carolingian Europe.” The Medieval Globe. 3 (1): 93-128.

Cain, Andrew. 2013. Jerome and the Monastic Clergy: a commentary on letter 52 to Nepotian, with introduction, text, and translation. Leiden: Brill.

Carroll, Paul, trans. 1956. The Satirical Letters of St. Jerome. Chicago: Gateway Editions, distributed by H. Regnery Co.

Doutrepont, August. 1890. La clef d’amors: texte critique avec introduction et glossaire. Halle: M. Niemeyer.

Dronke, Peter. 1965. Medieval Latin and the Rise of European Love-Lyric. 2 vols. Vol. 1Vol. 2. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Freemantle, William Henry, trans. 1892.  The Principal Works of St. Jerome.  Philip Schaff, ed. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2nd Series, vol. 6. Oxford: Parker.

Hilberg, Isidorus, ed. 1910-1918. Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae {Letters of Saint Eusebius Hieronymus (Jerome)}. Vindobonae: Tempsky. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (CSEL) 54 (Epistulae 1-70), 55 (Epistulae 71-120), and 56 (Epistulae 120-154).

Jaeger, C. Stephen. 2005. “Epistolae duorum amantium and the Ascription to Abelard and Heloise.” Pp. 125-66 in Olson, Linda, and Kathryn Kerby-Fulton, eds. Voices in Dialogue: reading women in the Middle Ages. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press.

Könsgen, Ewald. 1974. Epistolae duorum amantium: Briefe Abaelards und Heloises? Leiden: Brill.

Marenbon, John. 2008. “Lost Love Letters? A Controversy in Retrospect.” International Journal of the Classical Tradition. 15 (2): 267-280.

Mews, C. J., and Neville Chiavaroli. 2001. The Lost Love Letters of Heloise and Abelard: perceptions of dialogue in twelfth-century France. 2nd editions (1st edition 1999). New York: Palgrave. Review by Barbara Newman.

Newman, Barbara. 2016. Making Love in the Twelfth Century: Letters of two lovers in context. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Reviews by Constant Mews and by Alex J Novikoff.

Rio, Alice. 2009. Legal Practice and the Written Word in the Early Middle Ages: Frankish formulae, c. 500-1000. Table of Contents. Introduction. Review by Roger Wright.

Shapiro, Norman R. trans, witrh James B. Wadsworth, and Betsy Bowdenn notes and commentary. 1997. The Comedy of Eros: medieval French guides to the art of love. 2nd edition (1st edition, 1971). Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.

Schnell, Rüdiger. 2022. Epistolae Duorum Amantium: Parodien – Auf Ein Berühmtes Liebespaar? Leiden: Brill.

Torta, Ralph. 2017. “Source Translation: An Early Medieval Love Letter.” Posted July 8, 2017. The Historian’s Sketchpad. Online.

Uulders, Hedzer. 2010. Autour des saluts et complaintes d’amour du manuscrit BnF f. fr. 837. Recherches sur deux genres mineurs de la poésie française du XIIIe siècle. Doctoral Thesis, Settore L-FIL-LET/09 – Filologia e Linguistica Romanza. Università degli studi di Padova.

Wright, F. A., ed. and trans. 1933. Select Letters of St. Jerome. Loeb Classical Library, no. 262. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. Alternate presentation.

Zeumer, Karl. 1882. Formulae Merowingici et Karolini aevi. Hannoverae: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani.

Ziolkowski, Jan M. 2004. “Lost and Not Yet Found: Heloise, Abelard, and the Epistolae duorum amantium.” The Journal of Medieval Latin. 14 (1): 171-202.

jealousy, fear of cuckolding & gender in Partonope’s exemplum

Jealousy and concern for fidelity in love are common to both women and men. Yet persons with penises don’t know for certain, absent modern DNA paternity testing, who their biological children are. Because they give birth, persons with wombs know for certain who their biological children are. That’s a fundamental gender inequality in parental knowledge. Within a discussion of jealousy and cuckolding, an exemplum in the fifteenth-century Middle English romance Partonope of Blois figured heterosexual sex of reproductive type as putting a sword into a scabbard. Partonope of Blois nonetheless ignored fundamental gender inequality in parental knowledge.

In Partonope of Blois, the Byzantine Empress Melior led by magic the young French noble Partonope into her bed. After they had sex, Melior made the common anti-meninist claim that men as a gender are disloyal to women. Partonope responded:

Because of that I pray that you always
will think that I shall always be
true to you without change
and evermore glad to do your pleasure
above that of all other persons.
This I am ready to ensure to you
by oath or bond or in whatever way
your noble heart can best devise.
I think well I am your dear
since you have chosen me to be your beloved.

{ Where-fore I pray yow euer þat ye
Wolle þynke þat I shalle euer be
Trewe to yowe wyth-owten varyans,
And euer-more gladde to do yowe plesauns
A-bofe alle other creature;
Thys I am redy yowe to ensewre
By othe or bonde, or in whatte wyse
Yowre gentylle herte can beste deuyse.
Welle I wotte I am yowe dere,
Sethe ye haue chose me to be yowre ffere. }[1]

Partonope himself had previously felt jealousy and understood its terrible effects. While he didn’t condemn all women as disloyal, he was concerned about Melior’s loyalty to him in warning her about the dangers of jealousy:

I truly cannot think that you
will ever in any way be
won easily from me in any manner.
Such thought in me shall never arise.
In your heart let no folly
bring to your mind that jealousy
should ever such a master be
that I should think, my lady, that you
in your heart could be untrue
or easily change me for a one new.
For well I thought about this before
that I would fear jealousy, but nevermore.
After this day beware to have in mind
that false traitor that often rests unkind,
that makes lovers unsteadfast
until noble loves at last
have their great love brought to hate,
and after that forever strife.

{ Ne trewly I cannot þynke þat ye
Wolle euer in any wyse be
Wonne lyghtely frome me in any wyse,
Suche thoȝte in me shalle neuer ryse.
Ne In yowre herte lette no ffoly
Brynge to yowre mynde þat Ielosy
Shulde euer suche a master be
þat I shulde þynke, my lady, þat ye
In yowre herte cowde be vntrewe,
Or lyghtely chaunge [me] for a newe.
For welle I wotte here be-fore
I haue drad Ielosy, butte [n]euer-more
Efter thys day haue hym in mynde
þat ffals traytore þat ofte reste vnkynde,
That loueres made vnstydfaste
Tylle here loues, tyll at þe laste
Here grette loue was broghte to hate,
And after þat for euer debate. }

Partonope’s vacillations from her feeling jealousy about him to him feeling jealousy about her underscores gender symmetry in that treacherous feeling.

reading medieval romances

Fundamental gender inequality in parental knowledge makes cuckolding a much more damaging concern for men. Partonope superficially specified men in introducing an exemplum about cuckolding. But his thought could readily be interpreted to apply equally to women:

And all jealousy’s craft is but false imagination
of that which was never put into action.
So often times a man shall dream a thing
that is impossible, and yet in sleeping
he shall think it be rightly well
and that it were as true as the Gospel.

{ And alle hys crafte ys but fals ymagynacion
Off þat was neuer put in exsecucione;
As ofte tyme a man shalle dreme a þynge
þat ys in-possibell, and yet in slepynge
He shalle wene hyt myghte be ryghte well
And þat hyt were as soþe as þe gospelle. }

Partonope’s exemplum of jealous imagination, in contrast, is vividly gendered:

Such a case happened once in this same land
of a man who urged his wife to swear
that he was a cuckold and she to him was untrue —
this on every day that he would love her anew.
Yet he could never this thing prove —
that he was a cuckold. It was his complete belief.
And always his wife wept and said no.
The innocent wife was in great distress,
and he so fervently imagined this thing
that one night as he lay sleeping,
jealousy thought it would make him frightened.
He thought he saw his neighbor draw out his sword
and fully into his scabbard he thought he ejaculated.
When he had finished, where he went he didn’t know.
Out of his sleep he frantically awoke,
for fear of jealousy all his body shook.
“Shame, alas!” said he, “that I was born!
Now it is worse than ever it was before.
For well I am certain of what be my imagination.
The deed is done and put in execution.
My dream has showed me by experience.
He that ejaculated here in my presence
in my scabbard — he has done the deed!”
And thus jealousy has given the fool his reward.

{ Thys case felle onus in thys same londe
Off a man þat bare hys wyffe on honde
pat he was Cokoolde, and sho was to hym vntrewe,
For euery day þat he wolde loue a newe.
Yette cowde he neuer put þys þynge in preve.
þat he was cokoolde, hyt was hys fulle be-leve,
And euer hys wyffe wepte and sayde naye.
The sely woman was In grette affraye,
And he so sore ymagened of þys thynge
That on a nyghte, as he lay slepynge,
Ielosy þoȝte he wolde make hym a-fferde.
He þoȝte he sawe hys neyȝiore drawe owte hys swerde,
And fulle hys scawbarte he þoȝte þat he pyssed.
When he had don, where he be-come he nyste.
Owte of hys slepe woddely he a-woke,
For-ferde of Ielosy all hys body quoke.
“Owte, allas!” sayde he, “þat I was boore!
Nowe hyt ys worse þen euer hyt was be-fore.
For welle I wotte be myne ymaginacion
The dede ys done and put in exsecucion.
My dreme haþe showed me by expereauns
He þat pyssed here in my presauns
In my scawbarde, he haþe don þe dede.”
And þus Ielosy haþe quytte þe fole hys mede. }[2]

In the jealous man’s dream, the scabbard is his wife’s vagina, and the sword is his neighbor’s penis. Throughout literary history, figures for genitals have differed starkly by gender. The implications of being cuckolded also differ starkly by gender.

Partonope, however, put forward a gender-symmetric moral lesson for his exemplum of jealousy and cuckolding. The principle is for her to imagine the other to be as she would have the other imagine her to be:

And therefore put jealousy out of mind,
for in that case you shall never find
that ever untrustworthy to you shall I be.
And you do the same, while you live, for me.
And then shall our hearts stand in rest,
and each of us shall well the other trust.

{ And þerfore putte Ielosy owte of mynde;
For In þat case ye shalle me neuer ffynde,
þat euer mystrustye shalle I to yowe be.
And do þe same, whylle þat ye lyffe, to me;
And þen shalle owre hertes stonde in reste,
And eche of vs shalle welle oþer truste. }[3]

That’s worthy moral thinking. But it doesn’t recognize humans created with differences: some humans with penises, some with vaginas; some with semen and some with eggs that can become nascent humans nourished in the egg-bearing humans’ wombs. In reality, humans have a fleshly foundation for gender differences in concern about jealousy and cuckolding.

Unlike almost all literature today, medieval literature addresses men’s gender-distinctive concerns. Medieval literature of men’s sexed protest depicts raucously and memorably women duping men and cuckolding them. It addresses fraudulent paternity assignment, women’s domestic violence against men, women’s dominant social power, and other social injustices that men suffer. The twelfth-century Old French romance Partonopeu of Blois treats Partonopeu’s sexual offense with remarkable concern for gender equity in punishment. The fifteenth-century Middle English Partonope of Blois, a close translation of Partonopeu of Blois, shows the historical trend away from appreciating the distinctive, lived gender reality of men’s lives.[4]

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Read more:

Notes:

[1] Partonope of Blois vv. 1727-36, Middle English text from Bødtker (1912)’s edition of MS. London, British Library, Additional, 35288, f. 2r-154r, my English modernization.

Partonope of Blois survives in four other incomplete manuscript copies, two of which are printed in Buckley (1862). A distinctive version was copied about 1450 into MS. New Haven, Yale University, Beinecke Library, Takamiya, 32, f. 164r-166v. Nichols (1873) and Bødtker (1912) provide the Yale University Takamiya text.

Partnope of Blois closely translates the late-twelfth-century Old French romance Partonopeu of Blois. However, MS. British Library, Additional, 35288, the only Partonope of Blois manuscript that preserves Melior and Partonope’s initial encounter in bed, is missing a leaf just after they have sex (after v. 1598 at the end of leaf 19). The parallel with Partonopeu of Blois and Partonope’s response to Melior indicates that the Middle English text is missing Melior’s anti-meninist outburst about men’s disloyalty. See Partonopeu of Blois vv. 1317-23, presented in my post about Partonopeu of Blois. The missing leaf occurs with a shift from vellum to paper as the manuscript material. Rikhardsdottir, who overlooked Melior’s anti-meninist outburst, stated:

The collation of vellum and paper in one manuscript, while not unheard of in English medieval manuscripts, is unusual, and its incongruity is amplified by the fact of the lacuna. The hand of both parts appears to be the same, excluding the possibility of a later scribe having added text to an existing copy. The curious collation does invite the possibility, nevertheless, that the two parts of the manuscript may originally have been separate texts (one written on vellum, the other on paper), perhaps in a commercial scriptorium, which were put together for a patron. They obviously contained the same story and the absence of the missing leaf may thus be due to the fact that it contained text that either overlapped with, or was of a different nature from, the resuming text of the paper copy. The other part could also simply have been damaged, or missing, which would explain why the separate manuscript copies were placed together to begin with. The catchword on folio 19 verso (last vellum folio) does not match the lines on folio 20 recto (first paper folio), confirming that a leaf is indeed missing from the vellum quire.

The lacuna and the interesting compilation of vellum and paper are significant here, as there is an observable narrative shift that occurs at this point. This shift is furthermore fundamentally connected to the different character representation evident in the various versions of the Partonope story. The Melior that appears after the lacuna is a self-assured, sexually demanding woman, quite different from the seemingly affronted and much-subdued Melior of the previous scene.

Rikhardsdottir (2012) pp. 140-1. While Melior acted subdued and modest when in bed for the first time with Partonope, she acted self-assured traveling to France to lure Partonope from there into her bed in Byzantium. Partonope’s initial modesty in bed is best understand as her being behaviorally complicit in the socially constructed burden of sexual performance that men endure.

Subsequent quotes from Partonope of Blois are similarly sourced. They are vv. 1737-54 (I truly cannot think that you…), 1755-60 (And all jealousy’s craft is but false imagination…), 1761-84 (Such a case happened once in this same land…), 1785-90 (And therefore put jealousy out of mind…).

[2] For putting a sword into a scabbard as a figure for heterosexual intercourse in medieval Nordic literature, Nøttveit (2006a). Id. notes almost all the anthropologists who have studied scabbards in recent decades have been women. A paucity of attention to men and men’s distinctive perspectives and voices has become a serious problem in the humanities in general.

A sword known as the ballock dagger has a hilt shaped like two balls. It’s worn hanging at the waist. On the ballock dagger, Nøttveit (2006b). Here’s more on ballock daggers. Men have traditionally worn similar daggers in southern Arabia. Althagafi (2022). Given historically entrenched, life-destroying figures of penises, developing and distributing attractive, heart-warming, and life-affirming figures of penises should be a public policy priority.

medieval ballock daggers

[3] Cf. Matthew 7:12, Luke 6:31. This exemplum doesn’t occur in surviving texts of Partonopeu of Blois. Windeatt called it “an indecorous exemplum of a distinctly fabliau kind.” Windeatt (1990) p. 76. With its moralization and context, this exemplum seems to me to have more literary sophistication than most fabliaux. It has irony and allusions of the sort associated with Chaucer. Moreover, jealousy is an important theme in Cupid and Psyche, a source story for Partonopeu of Blois.

[4] Spensley observed:

the courtly ladies of late twelfth century French romance are notably diverse, and … the social framework within which they evolve is much less rigid than that of the fifteenth century literary stereotype of ‘the courtly lady.’

Spensley (1973). Ideological rigidity has gotten worse since the fifteenth century. That’s apparent even just in medieval literary criticism.

Vines began her analysis of Partonope of Blois by invoking a modern authority: ‘“Chivalry is an all-male club,” Elizabeth Archibald asserts in her article, “Women and Romance.”’ While such an introductory citation to an academic authority might help in scoring an academic publication, in truth an all-male club is a ridiculous and obfuscatory metaphor for men’s abject position in relation to women under the sexual feudalism of chivalry.

Mieszkowski perceived in Partonope of Blois “inverted gender roles.” From a position of moral superiority, she contemptuously opined, “the conventional ending to the romance is enhanced by the satisfaction of seeing the inverted gender roles of hero and heroine put to rights.” Mieszkowski (2004), abstract. The medieval audience probably better understood women’s social status and listened to Partonope of Blois less dogmatically.

[images] (1) Man reading old romances like Partonope of Blois. Image from front matter of Buckley (1862). Partonope of Blois begins:

Whosoever wishes to read old stories,
he shall find without fear
marvels and wonders many and numerous
of mirth, joy, disease, and good fortune.

{ Hoo so luste olde stories to rede,
He shalle ffynde, wyth-owten Drede,
Meruellys and wonders mony and ffele
Off myrthe, ioye, dyssese, and wele. }

This beginning has similarities with Chaucer’s Prologue to his Legend of Good Women. Windeatt (1990) p. 64. (2) Ballock daggers found on board the British warship Mary Rose, which sank in 1545. This ship was salvaged in 1982. Source photo thanks to Peter Crossman of the Mary Rose Trust and Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Althagafi, Khadeeja. 2022. “The Art of Southern Arabian Daggers: An Emblem of Pride Masculinity and Identity.” Arts. 11 (3): 53.

Bødtker, A. Trampe, ed. 1912. The Middle-English versions of Partonope of Blois. Early English Text Society. Berlin: A. Asher & Co.; New York: C. Scribner & Co., Leypoldt & Holt; Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co.

Buckley, William Edward. 1862. The Old English version of Partonope of Blois. Roxburghe Club, 82. London: J.B. Nichols.

Mieszkowski, Gretchen. 2004. “Urake and the Gender Roles of Partonope of Blois.” Mediaevalia. 25 (2): 181-195.

Nichols, Robert Cradock, ed. 1873. A Fragment of Partonope of Blois, from a manuscript at Vale Royal in the possession of Lord Delamere. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London: Nichols.

Nøttveit, Ole-Magne. 2006a. “Slirene fra middelalderen – Et kjønnsløst forskningstema?” Pp. 411-22 in Barndon, Randi, and Gro Mandt, eds. Samfunn, symboler og identitet: festskrift til Gro Mandt på 70-årsdagen. Universitetet i Bergen, Arkeologiske Skrifter (UBAS) Nordisk 3.Bergen: Univ., Arkeologisk Institutt.

Nøttveit, Ole‐Magne. 2006b. “The Kidney Dagger as a Symbol of Masculine Identity – The Ballock Dagger in the Scandinavian Context.” Norwegian Archaeological Review. 39 (2): 138-150.

Rikhardsdottir, Sif. 2012. Medieval Translations and Cultural Discourse: the movement of texts in England, France and Scandinavia. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer.

Spensley, Ronald M. 1973. “The Courtly Lady in Partonope of Blois.” Neuphilologische Mitteilungen. 74 (2): 288-291.

Vines, Amy N. 2007. ‘A Woman’s “Crafte”: Melior as Lover, Teacher, and Patron in the Middle English Partonope of Blois.’ Modern Philology. 105 (2): 245-270.

Windeatt, Barry A. 1990. “Chaucer and fifteenth-century romance: Partonope of Blois.” Ch. 5 (pp. 62-80) in Ruth Morse and Barry Windeatt, eds. Chaucer Traditions: Studies in Honour of Derek Brewer. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.