is Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo anti-meninist?

man needs woman

Imaginative literary work that disparages men as a group, such as literature depicting men as ugly, stupid, sexually defective subhumans, is anti-meninist. Not all men are like that. Literature that represents a man or men disparaging women is also anti-meninist. Such literature contributes to stereotyping men as hateful persons. Medieval Europe lacked today’s widely supported codes governing personal expression. Moreover, medieval writers developed clever means for supporting freedom of expression. Literature such as the astonishingly abusive late-medieval Scottish masterpiece The Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo regrettably flourished.

The Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo begins with the scent of joyous flowers, birds singing in greenery, and beautiful women. The narrator, weary with the merry revelry of Midsummer’s Eve, approached a hedge to lie still in the dark unseen and rest from the revelry.[1] But his restful solitude was interrupted with what seemed to him to be haughty words of lofty conversation. He, like men acting in accordance with the ideals of courtly love, badly misunderstood reality.

The narrator overheard two married women and a widow talking about their husbands. They all spoke strongly against marriage. Juvenal urged his friend Postumus not to marry. Valerius urged Rufinus not to marry. Three angels talked Gawain out of getting married. Speaking against marriage and urging women and men not to marry shouldn’t be forbidden. Even if authorities favor marriage, summoning those speaking out against marriage to an inquisition of orthodoxy is worse than medieval.

The two married women and the widow vigorously disparaged their husbands and former husbands. Among the words of the first married woman :

I have a slob, a snail, an old creepy caterpillar,
A used-up hog, not worth but words to clatter;
A bum-sitter, a drone bee, a bag full of phlegm,
A scabby slop, a scorpion, a flabby ass;
To see him scratch his own skin — great disgust I think.
When that cannibal kisses me, then kindles all my sorrow;
His brim boar beard is as stiff as burrs,
But soft and supple as silk is his sorry cock;
He may well assent to the sin, but harmless are his deeds.
With gore his two grim eyes are gunked all about,
And gorged like two gutters that were with glop stopped;

The love-looks of that bogle from his bleary eyes
As if Beelzebul had given me a long look, makes my spirit sink;
And when the sniveler smirks at me with his moldy mug,
He drivels like a decrepit mule that leers at a mare. [2]

This married woman extracted from her husband material goods in exchange for sex:

Ay, when that cannibal creep would climb on my womb,
Then am I dangerous and disdainful and dour of will;
Yet I never let that lard-ass go between my legs
To file my flesh, and fumble me, without a great fee;
And though his penis poorly me pays in bed,
His purse pays richly in recompense after:
For, before that cannibal beast can climb on my body,
I impose the condition of a kerchief costly and distantly bought,
A gown of richly dyed cloth, right gaily fur-beaming,
A ring with a royal stone, or other rich jewel,
Or rest of his rusty rod, though he rage madly. [3]

Hearing these abusive words, all three women laughed loudly and merrily and passed around a cup of rich wine.

The second married woman complained bitterly about her husband’s lack of sexual potency. The issue was appearance versus reality:

As courtly of his clothing and combing of his hairs,
As he that is more valiant in Venus’s chamber;
He seems to be worth something, that cipher in bed,
He looks as if he would make love, but he be of little valor;
He does as a dotty dog that dribbles on all bushes,
And lifts his leg up aloft, thought he nothing leaves of piss;
He has the look without lust, and life without courage;
He has a form without force, and fashion but no man-action,
And fair words but effect — fruitless of deeds;
He is for ladies in love a right lusty shadow,
But in private at the deed, he shall be found drooping;
He royal prances, and makes randy with riotous words,
Ay, regaling of his riding and raiding in bed;
But God knows what I think when he so brazenly speaks,
And how it suits him so badly what he says of such matters. [4]

The woman knew that her husband loved her. She pretended to love him.  For women who “hated men with hard gear for hurting of flesh,” she wished on them her husband. She herself fantasied about having a bold, vigorous knight.[5] The other women laughed loudly, praised her highly, and drank more rich wine.

The widow then told of her husbands. Her first husband she cuckolded so well that he bequeathed a mansion estate to a child who was not his own. The widow described her husbands and her behavior toward them:

One was a decrepit dotard, that dished out phlegm,
I hated him like a hound, though I hid that privately:
With kissing and comforting I made the clown fawn;
Well could I scratch his crooked back, and comb his balding pate,
And with tongue thrust in cheek taunt him from behind,
And with a curtsy turn about and bait his old eye,
And with a kind countenance kiss his crinkled cheeks,
In my mind making mockery of that mad father,
Thinking that I with true love was treating him so fair.

As a wise woman I managed and not like a mad fool,
For more with wiles I won than with strength of hands.

The widow abused her second husband for his social class:

Then I married a merchant, mighty of goods:
He was a man of middle age and mean stature;
But we weren’t matched in friendship or class,
In freedom nor favorable bearing nor fairness of person,
Which ay the fool did forget, for feebleness of knowledge,
But I so oft told him again, till his heart grew angry,
And once I put forth my voice and “peddler” called him;
I would right touchingly talk how I was twice married,
And how my old husband had ended my sexual innocence.

I made the husband-butler obey — there was no but else —
He made me right high reverence, for he my right knew;
And, thought I say it myself, the mismatch was mighty
Between his bastard blood and my noble birth.
That page was never of such price to presume once
Unto my person to be peer, had I pity not granted.
But mercy in womanhood is a mighty virtue,
And never but in a gentle heart arises compassion.
I held it green in his mind that I only of grace took him,
And that he rightly recognize himself I courteously taught him.
He dared not sit once my summons, for before the second call,
He was ready to run, so reluctant he was for blame.
But ay my will was the worse of womanly nature;
The more he labored for my love, the less of him I reckoned;
And hey, this a strange thing: before I married him,
I had such favor to that man, and then since hatred forever.
When I had control cleanly and fully and him overcome wholly,
I crowed above that coward, as a cock that were victor;
When I saw him subject and set to my bidding,
Then I despised him as a loon and loathed his manners.
Then I grew so unmerciful I thought to martyr him,
For as a beast I prodded him to all burdensome labor;
I would have ridden him to Rome with rope on his head,
Would that not ruffle my renown and cause rumors among people.

I made that wife-man work all women’s works,
And denied him all manly matters and dignity on this earth.
Then I said to my gossips gathered about,
“See how I cabled that colt over there with a keen bridle!
The horse that carried baskets to the trash-heap
So courteously now the cart draws, and responds with no rearing,
He’s not restive, nor jumpy, nor jerks to the side,
And thus scorn nor injury escapes him neither. [6]

The widow extracted many expensive goods from this husband while cuckolding him with lusty young men. She refused to allow her husband’s family to be within her sight. When her husband died, she rejoiced.[7]

Perhaps with the benefit of having acquired her husbands’ estates, the widow relished widowhood. Under the pretense of mourning and praying, she surveyed and appraised as potential lovers the men present in church. She proclaimed:

Faith has a fair name, but falsehood fares better,
Fie on her who cannot feign her fame to save her name!

The widow found a discreet servant with a sure tongue to provide her with pleasure under her shirt until the sun rose. Mocking the Belle dame sans mercy, the widow declared herself all-merciful:

To every man I specially speak some words,
So wisely and so womanly, till their hearts warm.
There is no living lad of so low degree
That shall love me unloved, I am so loving-hearted;
And if his lust be longingly to play on my lyre
That he be lost or with me lie, his life shall not danger.
I am so merciful in mind and pity all men,
My poor soul shall be safe, when Sabaoth all judges.

The widow advised her woman-friends to learn from her life. The widow’s life wasn’t written as a Latin legend. It didn’t have to be. The other women readily took to her teaching.[8] They laughed raucously and enjoyed more rich wine.

With respect to medieval literature, influential modern scholarly judgements take the form of determining whether a given work is anti-meninist. Is The Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo anti-meninist? Compare that work to Lamentationes Matheoluli and Boccaccio’s Corbaccio. Which of these three works, my distinguished readers, would you most confidently classify as anti-meninist?[9]

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Notes:

[1] The Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo (The Treatise of the Two Married Women and the Widow) is also known by its first line, Apon the Midsummer Evin, Mirriest of Nichtis (Upon the Midsummer Eve, Merriest of Nights). The poem’s author, William Dunbar, was a Lowland Scot probably born about 1460. He apparently was a priest and seems to have been associated with the court of the Scottish King James IV. He died sometime between 1513 and 1530. When Dunbar wrote Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo isn’t known, but that work survives in text printed about 1507. Dunbar is regarded as one of the greatest Middle Scots poets.

The narrator of Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo has been commonly misinterpreted as spying on the women or being a voyeur. Overhearing was a well-recognized poetic convention. Moreover, “dirkin efter” in l. 9 is misunderstood to mean “lie low in search of.” In its specific Middle Scots context, that phrase actually means  “lie still in the dark.” Bawcutt (1992) p. 331.

Scholars have thoroughly discussed whether the genre of Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo is a débat on love and marriage, chanson de mal mariée, jugement, or demandes d’amour. Id. pp. 325-7. That question seems to me less important than the unexamined question of whether Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo is anti-meninist.

[2] A leading scholar of Dunbar’s poetry observed that Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo employs literary artifice and comic stereotypes, but:

the poem also reflects social reality. The First Wife bemoans the misery of marriage to an old, virtually senile man; and the Second Wife curses the ‘wekit kyn’ {wicked kin} (214) who compelled her to marry in accord with their wishes rather than her own. Such disparity in the ages of wife and husband and such forced marriages were facts.

Bawcutt (1992) pp. 344-5. The facts suggest that such marriages were in fact highly unusual. Evidence on late-medieval differences by sex in age at first marriage suggests that husbands averaged about five years older than wives in first-time marriages. Very few men or women were actually forced to marry a particular person. The hardships of poor men’s lives could, of course, strongly encourage them to marry a relatively wealthy widow.

One medieval scholar working on laughter determined Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo to be “a clear example of medieval antifeminism.” Perfetti (2003) p. 125. Another scholar complained:

lack of bias attributed to a text that nevertheless manages to define textual authority as a masculine privilege over impudent feminine speech is, in my opinion, one of the more insidious achievements of such antifeminist satire.

Neufeld (1999) p. 424. Bawcutt (1992), p. 326, perceives that the women “increasingly speak on behalf of all women, irrespective of age and class.”

[3] William Dunbar, Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo ll. 89-99, 111-4, my translation from Middle Scottish. Salisbury (2002) and Conlee (2004), no. 84, provide online the Middle Scottish text, with glosses. Murphy (2010) provides the text with normalized spelling and glosses. Hope (1970) Appendix, pp. 270-99, provides a translation into modern English. My translation has benefited from these scholars’ work. Subsequent quotes from Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo are from ll. 131-41; 182-96; 270-80, 294-5; 296-304, 309-32, 351-8; 460-1; 495-502, in my translation of the Middle Scottish.

Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo employs an unrhymed, alliterative line. Alliterative poetry was regarded as an antique English form as early as the late-fourteenth century. In the Parson’s Prologue to the Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, the Parson declares:

But trust well, I am a Southern man;
I cannot recite ‘rum, ram, ruf,’ letter by letter,
And, God knows, rhyme I consider but little better;

ll. 42-4. Later the Host, fed up with Sir Thopas’s ridiculous romance, interrupted and said:

Let’s see whether thou can tell anything in alliterative verse,
Or tell something in prose, at the least

The Prologue to and Tale of Sir Thopas, and the Host’s Interruption, ll. 33-4. My translation attempts to preserve some of the poetry of Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo.

[4] The theme of appearance versus reality occurs repeatedly in the widow’s speech. She explained that she was shrewish, dour, and disdainful, but contrived to appear sober, sweet, and simple. She counseled her women-friends:

Though you be forward, inconstant, and cruel of mind,
Though you be as fierce as a tiger, be tractable in love,
And be as turtledoves in your talk, though you have hot tails.
Be dragons both and doves, ay in double form,
And when you need do, anon, note both their strengths;
Be amiable with humble face, as angels appearing,
And with a terrible tails be stinging as adders;
Be of your look like innocents, though ye have evil minds.

Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo, ll. 173-80. Cf. Matthew 10:16.

[5] In a refreshing analysis that’s less anti-meninist than many others, a medieval literature graduate student declared of Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo:

To read this as a simply parody of women, a straightforward piece of antifeminism, misses the delicate literary game with which Dunbar’s poem is engaging. … It is lack of, not talk of, sex in the Tretise that is the cause of the failure of the courtly mode. Perhaps if their husbands were all such vigorous lovers as the couple in In Secreit Place, all would be happier.

Harrill (2013) pp. 17-8. William Dunbar’s poem In Secreit Place features contrasting refrains. In a modern English translation, the man’s refrain to his beloved woman is “You break my heart, my pretty one.” The woman’s refrain to the man she consents to have sex with is “Very dear to me is your ugly mug.” Dunbar seems to be engaged in subtle critique of men’s abjection in courtly love.

[6] In the final chapter of his book-length fantasy on the Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo, Alec Derwent Hope observed:

The inner mystery of the poem is its union of beauty and power, with laughter as the catalyst. It presents a vision of woman which is much more than a satirical caricature. It has in it something heroic, portentous, and magnanimous.

Hope (1970) p. 266. Hope, who seems to have been a dog-headed man, is widely regarded as one of the best Australian poets of the twentieth century. Another scholar reads the poem as part of “conventional antifeminism” and a “long tradition of medieval misogynist literature.” However, drawing on the insights of Michel Foucault, she uncovered within Dunbar’s poem an  “authoritative, literate, masculine effort to define and control women.” She reports:

Dunbar’s poem reflects on the weaknesses of patriarchal power and the dangers of men’s control over women, dramatizing the concern that women can undermine men’s authority and pose a serious threat to patriarchal hierarchy.

Matlock (2004) pp. 211, 230.

[7]  In the Middle Ages, persons were less prone to stereotyping old women in ways they are today:

Although the matron and the matronly values she personified were lauded in ancient Rome in particular, both she and the meek little old lady of the twentieth century who is helped across the street by the Boy Scout are not characteristically medieval constructs. In the literature of the Middle Ages, the typical little old lady would have either propositioned the boy herself or else would have coached him in having his way with a girl he wanted.

Ziolkowski (1998) p. 73. Old women were associated with worldly experience, orality, and vernacular language. Indicating social-structural tension, learned, literary, Latin culture tended to depict old women with particular negative characteristics. Ziolkowski (2002). Those negative characteristics are well represented in the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo. Yet in that poem, Dunbar counterpoised courtly diction with colloquial diction, archaic poetic form with everyday interests, and literary virtuosity with mimesis of speech. Dunbar similarly suggested that all three women were not old:

Their mantles were green as the grass that grew in May season,
Fettered with their white fingers about their fair sides.
Of wondrously fine favor were their faces meek,
All full of flourishing fairhood as flowers in June —
White, seemly, and soft as the sweet lilies
Now upspread upon spray, as newly blossomed rose

ll. 19-24.

[8] Learned, literary, Latin culture commonly expressed both loathing and fear of “old wives’ tales.” Ziolkowski (2002). Those tales were associated with the worldly, oral, vernacular life that women dominate. Women, not Latin clerics, were always the most important teachers in society. Latin clerics’ hostility to old wives’ tales reflects in part that reality.

The narrator ends the lengthy Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo with brief references to his pen and his having written the text. He also makes an appeal for judgment to an imaginary audience of men. The husbands in his text have not a single word. They represent men’s position in key worldly social institutions such as family courts.

[9] Summarizing her extensive scholarly study of this poem, the leading scholar of Dunbar’s poetry declared:

Dunbar’s view of women in this poem is not wholly unsympathetic — the Wives, in particular, have genuine grievances, and there is occasional pathos in their depiction. The Widow is horrifying, yet undoubtedly abounds in the “exuberance of life” — beside her men seem puny. The husbands indeed are repellent, both physically and morally. One might well feel that such men get no more than they deserve.

Bawcutt (1992) pp. 345-6. Salisbury (2002), Introduction, describes Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo as debating the “case of the neglectful and impotent old husband.” That case serves to “keep women firmly in their place”:

As in the anonymous A Talk of Ten Wives, Dunbar constructs a feminine community and a collective female voice that has gained credibility among some scholars. Yet, the very freedom with which these women speak, the social and linguistic liberties performed here, are precisely the factors that mark the text as fabliau. These aggressive and forceful females participate in the carnivalesque by mocking the traditions that define social status and keep women firmly in their place.

Distinguishing between anti-meninist literature and much recent literary scholarship is rather difficult. Perhaps that contributes to relatively little scholarly discussion of anti-meninism.

[image] Homeless man in Anchorage, Alaska, 5 July 2006.  Thanks to Josh Swieringa and Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Bawcutt, Priscilla J. 1992. Dunbar the makar. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Conlee, John W. 2004. William Dunbar: the complete works. Kalamazoo, Mich: Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University.

Harrill, Claire. 2013.  “‘He wald have fukkit’: Sex and courtly love in the poetry of William Dunbar.” Birmingham Journal of Literature and Language 5: 12-19.

Hope, A. D. A midsummer eve’s dream; variations on a theme by William Dunbar. New York: Viking Press.

Matlock, Wendy A. 2004. “Secrets, Gossip and Gender in William Dunbar’s The Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo.” Philological Quarterly 83(3): 209-235.

Murphy, Michael. 2010. William Dunbar. The Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo (The Treatise of the Two Married Women and the Widow), Normalized and Glossed. Available online at ThomondGate.net

Neufeld, Christine. 1999. “Speakerly Women and Scribal Men.” Oral Tradition 14(2): 420-9.

Perfetti, Lisa Renée. 2003. Women & laughter in medieval comic literature. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Salisbury, Eve. 2002. The trials and joys of marriage. Kalamazoo, Mich: Published for TEAMS in association with the University of Rochester by Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University.

Ziolkowski, Jan M. 1998. “Obscenities of Old Women: Vetularity and Vernacularity.” Pp. 73-89 in Ziolkowski, Jan M., ed. 1998. Obscenity: social control and artistic creation in the European Middle Ages. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.

Ziolkowski, Jan M. 2002. “Old Wives’ Tales: Classicism and Anti-Classicism from Apuleius to Chaucer.” The Journal of Medieval Latin. 12 (1): 90-113.

Hildebert of Lavardin on woman’s role in the pursuit of death

newborn macaque imitates man's tongue protrusion

Men commonly seek wealth and fame. Men, with good evolutionary pedigree, also commonly seek women. In Boethius’s sixth-century Consolation of Philosophy, Lady Philosophy warned Boethius against too highly valuing wealth and fame. Lady Philosophy said nothing to Boethius about men seeking women.[1] At the height of enlightenment in twelfth-century Europe, long before our age of oppressive ideology, Hildebert of Lavardin understood that Lady Philosophy sought to take Boethius home to experience consolation in marital union. Yet Hildebert also understood that women and men’s personal relationships are as treacherous as high politics of public life.

Although many things impede holy habits,
woman, wealth, and honor impede these most highly.
Woman, wealth, and honor are tinder and torches of evil,
they draw hearts to sin and hands to the sword.
Happy is the one who knows by studied example what woman is,
who with learned skill eludes her wiles.

{ Plurima cum soleant mores evertere sacros,
Altius evertit femina, census, honos.
Femina, census, honos fomenta fomesque malorum,
In scelus, in gladios corda manusque trahunt.
Felix expertus exemplo femina quid sit,
Quique suos aliqua suffugit arte dolos. }[2]

Hildebert of Lavardin wrote a daring revision of Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy. Hildebert’s work, Of the Complaint and Conflict of Spirit and Flesh {De querimonia et conflictu spiritus et carnis}, alternates poetry and prose, as does Boethius’s work. Hildebert wrote five pairs of prose and poetry sections. Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy consists of five books. Boethius’s work begins aberrationally in elegiac poetry, with theatrical whores dictating sad songs to the tearful, mournful first-person narrating man. Hildebert’s work begins with a first-person narrating man undertaking the practical tasks of rebuilding a house that has burned to the ground. The fire that burned down the house was misapplied passion.[3]

It’s better to marry a serpent or lion
than to have a contentious wife.

{ Junge serpentem potius tibe sive leonem
Quam contendentem sponsam. }[4]

Hildebert’s woman-spirit is a foil to Lady Philosophy. Boethius’s Lady Philosophy appears suddenly to him as a majestic authority. Sullied only by others’ lack of appreciation for her, she seeks to console Boethius. Hildebert’s woman-spirit similarly appears suddenly to Hildebert. But she is an unstable, querulous woman. She complains of endless attacks from enemies. She claims that her servant-girl has bewitched her and led her into ignominious affairs with disreputable paramours. The entire situation displeases her. And it’s all Hildebert’s fault. He didn’t recognize who she is, and he has failed to protect her.

Woman conceives in her mind, praises with her tongue, and fulfills with her deeds,
what ruins law, the people, and her own self.

{ Femina mente gerit, lingua probat, actibus implet
Quo lex, quo populus, quo simul ipsa ruit. }[5]

Hildebert, like many other men, fails to recognize the woman-spirit ruling over him. His woman-spirit disparages him:

Show me, if you can, what you would accomplish without me, what you would arrange without my knowing it. I know the thoughts of your heart and the secrets of your bedchamber. If you write, I move your fingers; if you speak, I open your mouth. The decisions of your household and its expenses, and equally the rules about slacking servants are in my control, planned and promulgated by me. … Do you recognize her who completely fills you, completely moves you, completely rules and possesses you? [6]

Hildebert understood that Eve and Adam originally lived in a concord of spirit and flesh. But the fall of man-flesh and woman-spirit broke that concord:

because of the flesh inciting and the spirit incited as though by her husband and spouse, that first transgression came to be … Do you see, therefore, the concupiscence that moves the flesh as if it were male, the depravity with which such a husband extorted for himself the consent of the spirit, and the sort of offspring these two could generate? Do you see, I ask, how a foreign stench wafts in on me {Hildebert’s woman-spirit}, and the smoke I endure from the fanned flames? [7]

The woman-spirit reigns over the man-flesh in stench and misery, anxiety and tiresomeness. Their concord is in “shameful and ridiculous appetites for death.”

Although the flesh is pleased to be given life, and it loves
this duty of living breath, still it happens that
broken by long evils, it grows weary of life, it renounces years,
it prefers to die once rather than many times, and to be seized
by the ultimate death, rather than survive when so many have gone before.
But although it may be intent upon these, there is no homicidal will,
until the uxorious spirit grows weak and favors the flesh;
when the spirit has been overcome by goads and alluring arguments,
error comes into being: while the flesh cries out,
the spirit hears her; crime is created by consent,
and through this creation a monstrosity: the flesh becomes husband,
the spirit, wife. [8]

With woman-spirits, philosophy’s modern-day descendants lead man and woman to the land of the dead. Philosophy, unlike Lady Philosophy, is a death figure:

This is seen in many ways. The theta on her {Philosophy’s} robe marks the top of the ladder that reaches from praxis to theoria; but a theta on the robe of a prisoner is a sign of one marked for death. The smoke that covers her robes at {Consolation of Philosophy, section} 1.1.3 reminds … of the smoke on death masks in the halls of aristocratic families. … Philosophy is the practice of death; a good death will prove the philosopher, and Philosophy is eager for the prisoner to die well and thus to vindicate her. … As Philosophy is both death and half of the author’s person, we may conclude that the author does not desire that these halves of himself be reconciled and united. [9]

Hildebert sets before himself Xanthippe and Socrates, Dhuoda and Bernard. Xanthippe is the woman-spirit of Hildebert’s De querimonia et conflictu spiritus et carnis. Dhuoda is Boethius’s Lady Philosophy. Women and men can make for themselves much different earthly homes.

A fountain of piety spares the sins of woman:
Let the severe fathers learn to pity the wretched ones.

{ Parcit peccatis mulieris fons pietatis:
Discant austeri Patres miseris misereri. }[10]

Stand firm against the criminalization of men. Lift up your spirit to worthy hopes. Pray that truth conquers lies, and virtue prevails. Your mundane actions necessarily play amid the harmony of the star-filled universe.

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Notes:

[1] James J. O’Donnell has helpfully made available online a concordance for the Latin text of Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy. The ordinary Latin word for wealth (opēs) occurs in Consolation of Philosophy 22 times in various forms.  The Latin word for honor (honor) occurs 17 times in various forms. Latin words for woman, femina, mulier, and domina, occur 0 times, 2 times, and 3 times, respectively. In Boethius’s Consolation of {Lady} Philosophy, woman is not conceptually positioned as an object of men’s appetites, as are wealth and honor.

[2] Hilbert of Lavardin, Of three vices: love of woman, avarice, ambition {De tribus vitiis: Muliebri amore, avaritia, ambitione} ll. 1-6, Latin text and English trans. Walsh (2005) p. 231, with my adaptations. The Latin text in Patrologia Latina (PL 171 1428C) is headed How woman, avarice, and ambition are damaging to the holiness of man {Quam nociva sint sacris hominibus femina, avaritia, ambitio}.

Hildebert of Lavardin, who lived from about 1056 to 1133, rose from humble birth to become Bishop of Le Mans in 1096 and then Archbishop of Tours. He is alternately known as Hildebert of Tours. He reportedly fathered many children as archdeacon at Le Mans. Balint (2009) p. 40, n. 80, citing Ivo of Chartres, letter 277 (PL 172.279). Hildebert probably wrote De tribus vitiis: Muliebri amore, avaritia, ambitione prior to 1096, when he was archdeacon at the cathedral school of Le Mans. Hildebert became known as “the finest scholar and the most competent versifier of his age.” Walsh (2005) p. 231. For references to key scholarly work on Hildebert, see Angelini (2015) p. 168, n. 3.

Hildebert apparently recognized discrimination against men in criminal justice. He wrote ironically in elegant Latin poetry:

Woman is a fragile thing, constant in nothing but crime,
Never ceasing to wreak willing harm.

{ Femina res fragilis, nunquam nisi crimine constans,
Nunquam sponte sua desinit esse nocens. }

De tribus vitiis: Muliebri amore, avaritia, ambitione ll. 7-8. As is apparent above, Hildebert’s De querimonia et conflictu spiritus et carnis is also a significant contribution to the literature of men’s sexed protest.

Patrologia Latina credits Hildebert with another work of men’s sexed protest, How intimacy with women is dangerous {Quam periculosa mulierum familiaritas}. See PL 171.1427D, Latin text online here. However, Hauréau (1882), pp. 102-4, argues that this poem was written at the end of the twelfth century or early in the thirteenth century. Like passages in Bernard of Morlaix’s De Contemptu Mundi, Quam periculosa mulierum familiaritas tends to trivialize by exaggeration men’s precarious social position.

Hildebert had close, friendly relations with powerful women. He wrote personal letters to Matilda, the Empress of England, and to Adele, Countess of Blois and daughter of William the Conqueror, as well as to other powerful women. On Hildebert’s letters to powerful women, Angelini (2015). Hildebert also dedicated poems to women. Id. p. 170.

[3] Balint (2009) Appendix II, pp. 174-190, provides an English translation of De querimonia et conflictu spiritus et carnis. For English translations of Boethius’s Consolation of philosophy, see the references in my post on Lady Philosophy and man blindness.

[4] Lamentationes Matheoluli, ll. 692-3, from Latin trans. Correale & Hamel (2005) p. 388, with my adaptations. The Latin text is available in Van Hamel (1892). See also ll. 3738-9: “A man is safer living with a lion than married to a wife who habitually argues {tutior est homini comitiva leonis / Quam fedus sponse rixose conditionis}.” My translation, benefiting from that of Correale & Hamel (2005) p. 389, n. 2.

[5] Hilbert of Lavardin, De tribus vitiis: Muliebri amore, avaritia, ambitione ll. 25-6, from Latin trans. Walsh (2005) p. 231-2, with my adaptations.

[6] Hilbert of Lavardin, De querimonia et conflictu spiritus et carnis Prose 2, from Latin trans. Balint (2009 pp. 178-9. Here’s a Latin text from PL 171.989-1004. Dronke (1994), p. 47, observes that “the text in the Patrologia Latina is badly garbled and there is no modern edition.” Dronke draws upon manuscripts that title the work Philosophy of the Inner and Outer Man {Philosophia de interiore et exteriore homine}. Orth (2000) now provides a modern edition.

[7] De querimonia et conflictu spiritus et carnis Prose 4, trans. Balint (2009) pp. 184, 186. The subsequent quote is from Prose 5, id. p. 189. Modern medieval scholarship tends to stereotype the flesh as woman, and the spirit as man. In the twelfth century, Hildebert had a more fluid understanding of the gendering of flesh and spirit.

[8] Verse 5, trans. id. pp. 189-90. Id. translates animae obsequium as “duty of the soul.” Above I’ve used “duty of living breath” to avoid metaphysical connotations in an apparently mundane context.

[9] Relihan (2007) pp. 68-9.

[10] Where the woman caught in adultery is spared {Ubi parcit mulieri deprehensae in adulterio} PL 171 1427C. I’m grateful to David Konstan for help with translating the Latin text. While PL attributes this poem to Hildebert, Hauréau (1882), pp. 101-2, suggests that Baudry de Bourgueil (Baldric of Dol) wrote it. The sense of “the wretched ones” seems to me to be men.

[image] Newborn macaque imitates a man’s tongue protrusion. Thanks to Evolution of Neonatal Imitation. Gross L, PLoS Biology Vol. 4/9/2006 and Wikimedia Commons. Here’s some discussion of the biology of making sense of another like oneself.

References:

Angelini, Roberto. 2015. “Powerful Women in the Epistles of Hildebert of Lavardin.” Pp. 167-178 in Høgel, Christian, and Elisabetta Bartoli, eds. 2015. Medieval Letters: between fiction and document. Turnhout: Brepols.

Balint, Bridget K. 2009. Ordering Chaos: the self and the cosmos in twelfth-century Latin prosimetrum. Leiden: Brill.

Correale, Robert M., and Mary Hamel. 2005. Sources and Analogues of the Canterbury Tales. Volume II. Woodbridge: D.S. Brewer.

Dronke, Peter. 1994. Verse with Prose from Petronius to Dante: the art and scope of the mixed form. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Hauréau, Jean Barthélémy. 1882. Les mélanges poétiques d’Hildebert de Lavardin. Paris, Le Mans.

Orth, Peter, ed. 2000. Hildebert de Lavardin. Hildeberts Prosimetrum De Querimonia und die Gedichte eines Anonymus: Untersuchungen und kritische Editionen. Wiener Studien. Beiheft ; 26 / Arbeiten zur mittel- und neulateinischen Philologie 6. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Relihan, Joel C. 2007. The Prisoner’s Philosophy: life and death in Boethius’s Consolation. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press.

Van Hamel, Anton Gerard, ed. 1892. Mathéolus, Jean Le Fèvre. Les lamentations de Mathéolus et le livre de leesce de Jehan Le Fèvre, de Ressons: poèmes français du XIVe siècle. Paris: Bouillon.

Walsh, P. G. 2005. “Antifeminism in the High Middle Ages.” Ch. 11 (pp. 222-42) in Smith, Warren S, ed. 2005. Satiric advice on women and marriage from Plautus to Chaucer. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Chemin de Povreté et de Richesse & husbandly subordination

The narrator of The Householder of Paris {Le Ménagier de Paris} seems to be an avuncular, kindly man. In this work written in French about 1393, the narrator worries that he might be boring or over-taxing his intended reader, his young wife. He worries that she might “despair of ever being able to bear the heavy burden of all my advice.”[1] To illustrate that her wifely burden is relatively light, he inserts in his text the lengthy allegorical-didactic work The Way of Poverty and Riches {Le Chemin de Povreté et de Richesse}. That text describes a husband’s crushing burden of work. The husband’s heavy responsibilities gives him no position of privilege. Drawing upon practical reason and folk wisdom, Le Chemin de Povreté et de Richesse urges husbandly subordination even to apparently lunatic wives.

husband sees horrifying vision

Le Chemin de Povreté et de Richesse begins with a newly married man anxiously awake while his wife soundly sleeps in bed next to him. The husband had a lengthy visionary experience of his life’s challenges. The following day the husband recounted to his wife that experience. She in response castigated him:

What are you talking about? Are you out of your mind? You are not making any sense rambling on to me about your night — it is a fantasy invented out of some kind of lunacy! [2]

That’s a common reaction to men explaining the difficulties of their lives. Women and men have much less empathy for men than for women.

The husband responded practically to his wife’s outburst. He explained:

I remained silent during these taunts, uttering not a word, for becoming vexed with her would gain me nothing. Plus, I recently learned from a wise man that no one should value anything that a woman says, whether good or bad, quarrel or slander. A woman always wants to be praised and acknowledged for her words. She does not want to be reproved; rather, she wants to be commended and esteemed as highly for the bad as for the good. This habit I know well, and so I ignored the derision. Yes, one must hold one’s tongue before a woman and do what she wants.

Those comments are problematic. Doing what a woman wants requires listening to her to some extent. The husband’s point seems to be that men should accept derision from their wives and not challenge what their wives say. He advised other men to be similarly subordinate to their wives:

I thus advise all those who have wives: however lunatic it may seem to let them have their way, it is even greater madness, in my opinion, to displease them. For a woman will never be satisfied if her husband defies her until, sooner or later, she had gotten the better of him twice over. Otherwise she betrays her woman’s nature. Thus if he must choose the lesser of two evils, he does right to draw himself near one danger in order to withdraw from a greater danger. [3]

Women naturally gifted with high sexual allure have extraordinary power over men. Family courts that are egregiously irrational and anti-men give reason for men to cower in marriage. But the problem of men’s subordination to women is much more general. For most men, doing what women want is much easier that standing up for their own needs and desires.

Le Chemin de Povreté et de Richesse shows that the way to riches is treacherous. That text was written in fourteenth century Europe, probably in 1342. Husbandly subordination to wives in practice didn’t prevent Europe from becoming materially rich. Yet that history isn’t solid ground for complacency. Even easier than husbands being subordinate to wives is men not caring and not doing. That is a sure way to poverty.

*  *  *  *  *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] The translation of Power (1928), which is entitled The Goodman of Paris, presents the narrator as “avuncular, benevolent, even doting.” Brereton & Ferrier (1981) “characterize the narrator as ‘kindly’ and encouraging of his wife.” Greco & Rose (2009), in contrast, dourly titles its introduction “Maid to Order: The Good Wife of Paris.” Id. pp 7, 1. Greco & Rose explain:

The sections lessoning the wife on estate management, for example, reflect the surveillance and tight control the householder wants to have over his spouse and his minions, his vegetables, his horses, his dogs and his birds.

Id. p. 7. This new way of reading Le Ménagier de Paris indicates the ideology underlying the rise of mass incarceration in the U.S.

[2] Le Ménagier de Paris 2.1 (inserted text of Le Chemin de Povreté et de Richesse), from Old French trans. Greco & Rose (2009) p. 208. In their introduction to this article of the text, the editors explain that the husband’s “down-to-earth wife disbelieves his outlandish story of these travels.” Id. p. 178. The husband might come to regard his wife as down-to-earth in the way that Matheolus regarded Petra in their rocky relationship. The subsequent quotes are from Le Chemin de Povreté et de Richesse, id.

[3] Medieval scholars have described this section of the text as an “antifeminist diatribe.” Ferrier (1979) p. 79; Greco & Rose (2009) pp. 41, 179. Much more important than name-calling is recognizing how such attitudes contribute to the subordination of men.

[image] Despair visits newlywed husband. From Le Livre du Chastel de Labour, illuminated volume of La voie de Povreté ou de Richesse (The Way of Poverty or of Wealth). Paris, 1425-1450. f. 5v, Widener 1 (item no. mcaw010612), Free Library of Philadelphia.

References:

Brereton, Georgine, and Janet M. Ferrier, eds. 1981. Le menagier de Paris. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Ferrier, Janet. 1979. “Seulement pour vous endoctriner: The Author’s Use of Exempla in Le Ménagier de Paris.” Medium Aevum 48: 77-89.

Greco, Gina L., and Christine M. Rose, ed. and trans. 2009. The good wife’s guide; Le ménagier de Paris: a medieval household book. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Power, Eileen, ed. and trans. 1928. The Goodman of Paris (Le ménagier de Paris): a treatise on moral and domestic economy by a citizen of Paris (c. 1393). London: G. Routledge & Sons.

Lady Philosophy and man blindness in Boethius’s Consolation

“Do you remember that you are a man?”
“How could I forget that?” I answered.
“Well, then, what is a man? Can you give me a definition?”
“Do you mean that I am a rational animal, and mortal? I know that, and I admit that I am such a creature.”
“Do you know nothing else about what you are?”
“No, nothing.”

{ sed hoc quoque respondeas uelim: hominemne te esse meministi? — quidni, inquam, meminerim? — quid igitur homo sit poterisne proferre? — hocine interrogas, an esse me sciam rationale animal atque mortale? scio, et id me esse confiteor. — et illa: nihilne aliud te esse nouisti? — nihil. }[1]

Lady Philosophy with Boetius in bed

Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy is a poetry-filled dialogue between a man and a woman. The text begins with Boethius weeping in bed. He has lost his youthful glory and good looks. He laments deceitful Fortune and the sorrow of his continuing life. Then Lady Philosophy appears.[2] With a majestic face, flashing eyes, and towering height, she has a manly, commanding presence that Boethius lacks.

Standing about Boethius’s bed were women associated with poetry, play, and sex. Lady Philosophy drives those women away:

“Who let those whores from the theater come to the bedside of this sick man?” she said. “They cannot offer medicine for his sorrows; they will nourish him only with their sweet poison. They kill the fruitful harvest of reason with the sterile thorns of the passions; they do not liberate the minds of men from disease, but merely accustom them to it.”

{ quis, inquit, has scenicas meretriculas ad hunc aegrum permisit accedere, quae dolores eius non modo nullis remediis fouerent, uerum dulcibus insuper alerent uenenis? hae sunt enim quae infructuosis affectuum spinis uberem fructibus rationis segetem necant hominumque mentes assuefaciunt morbo, non liberant. }

The figure “sterile thorns {infructuosae spinae}” resonates with sexual dysfunction against the fruitful harvest. Lady Philosophy sits at the foot of Boethius’s bed and sings poems to him. She gently strokes his breast and dries his tear-filled eyes with a fold of her robe. She tries to recall him to the “strength of a virile soul {virilis animus robur}.” Has Boethius forgotten the natural sense of being a virile man?

While Boethius was highly learned in Latin literature, his Consolation of Philosophy ignores significant prior Latin literature. Boethius wrote Consolation of Philosophy about 525. Many centuries earlier Juvenal had unforgettably protested against women’s abuses of men and urged his friend not to marry. Jerome through the persona of Theophrastus humorously had urged widows to act with Christian charity toward men and not remarry. In response to Roman men’s reluctance to subject themselves to the burdens of marriage, Roman law penalized Roman men who remained unmarried. None of this complex, vibrant human reality appears overtly in the Consolation of Philosophy.[3]

Lady Philosophy describes marriage in lifeless conventions. She declares that everyone considers Boethius fortunate to have “such a chaste, unblemished wife, and such fine sons {coniunx pudore tum masculae quoque proles oportunitate}.”[4] Those who might perceive in that statement a subtle claim about other (unchaste) wives and other (vicious) sons would be mistaken about the wives. Explaining happiness, Lady Philosophy declares:

Someone else may enjoy both wealth and social position, but be miserable because he is not married. Still another may be happily married but have no children to inherit his fortune. Others have children, only to be saddened by their vices. Therefore, no one is entirely satisfied with his lot; each finds something lacking, or something that gives pain.

{ ille utroque circumfluus uitam caelibem deflet; ille nuptiis felix orbus liberis alieno censum nutrit heredi; alius prole laetatus filii filiaeue delictis maestus illacrimat. idcirco nemo facile cum fortunae suae condicione concordat; inest enim singulis quod inexpertus ignoret, expertus exhorreat. }

Lady Philosophy later elaborates on the difficulties with children:

The pleasure one finds in his wife and children ought to be a most wholesome thing, but the man who protested that he found his sons to be his torturers spoke what may too often be true. How terrible such a condition can be you must learn from me, since you have never experienced it at first hand, nor do you now suffer from it. In this matter I commend the opinion of Euripides who said that the childless man is happy by his misfortune.

{ honestissima quidem coniugis foret liberorumque iucunditas; sed nimis e natura dictum est nescio quem filios inuenisse tortores. quorum quam sit mordax quaecumque condicio neque alias expertum te neque nunc anxium necesse est admonere. in quo Euripidis mei sententiam probo, qui carentem liberis infortunio dixit esse felicem. }[5]

Roman men and women who appreciated reading Ovid, Juvenal and Jerome would see through Lady Philosophy’s dress and recognize features of women they knew.

Lady Philosophy obscures heterosexual passion. She tells the story of a free man who, experiencing a tyrant’s torture to betray a secret, bit off his tongue and spat it in the tyrant’s face. Jerome had recast that story to tell of an enchained man biting off his tongue to resist sexual assault by a woman in a locus amoenus.[6] In contrasting surface beauty with inner reality, Lady Philosophy described the outwardly beautiful body of Alcibiades containing ugly entrails within. Given early Christian concern with women’s adornment, that story probably more commonly figured an enticing woman. In referring to men’s bodily pleasures, Lady Philosophy refers to a man’s “wife and children {coniunx que liberi}.”[7] Bodily pleasures that husbands experience with their wives, if the marital bed hasn’t frozen over, differ significantly from bodily pleasures they experience with their children. Lady Philosophy doesn’t acknowledge that obvious sexual distinction.

Lady Philosophy ironically emphasizes wealth, honor, and power relative to sex. Males competing with other males to have sex with females and to preserve their offspring’s lives drives biological evolution. Lady Philosophy’s mythic history of men’s violence against men emphasizes men’s interest in luxuries and ignores men’s interest in sex and in providing for their children:

How happy were men long ago,
when they were content with nature
and not yet corrupted by wealth:
their hungers were easily sated
by acorns they found on the ground.
They had not yet learned to mix
sweet honey into their wine.
They did not dress up in silks
dyed bright with Tyrian purple.

No bugle calls then had sounded
to summon men to bloodshed
in hatred or naked greed
that stained the fields with blood,
for what could men gain from killing?
Look at us now and compare
our lives to those of the ancients.
As fierce as the fires of Etna
is the lust of men for plunder.
Shame, shame on the man
who first dug gold from the earth
and brought the bright baubles of jewelers
into the light of the sun.

{ felix nimium prior aetas
contenta fidelibus aruis
nec inerti perdita luxu,
facili quae sera solebat
ieiunia soluere glande.
non Bacchica munera norant
liquido confundere melle
nec lucida uellera Serum
Tyrio miscere ueneno.

tunc classica saeua tacebant
odiis neque fusus acerbis
cruor horrida tinxerat arua.
quid enim furor hosticus ulla
uellet prior arma mouere,
cum uulnera saeua uiderent
nec praemia sanguinis ulla?
utinam modo nostra redirent
in mores tempora priscos!
sed saeuior ignibus Aetnae
feruens amor ardet habendi.
heu, primus quis fuit ille
auri qui pondera tecti
gemmasque latere uolentes
pretiosa pericula fodit. }[8]

Lady Philosophy incongruously describes men as elite women in the context of battlefields drenched with men’s blood. Boethius, who was from a very wealthy family, had little need for gold. He expresses no lust for wealth or luxuries, nor passion for violence against men.[9]

Lady Philosophy’s most elaborate figure of heterosexuality is resentful. Instead of Cupid’s arrows, she describes a bee’s sting. The temporal perspective is that of a bitter, forsaken lover:

Every pleasure knows this one thing:
Goading on those who enjoy it,
Like the honeybees that hover.
Once it pours its pleasing nectar,
It is gone, and pangs the bruised heart
With a sting that can’t be drawn out.

{ habet hoc uoluptas omnis,
stimulis agit fruentes
apiumque par uolantum,
ubi grata mella fudit,
fugit et nimis tenaci
ferit icta corda morsu. }[10]

Pleasure has been transitory. Hurt has endured. Philosophy has failed as consolation for Lady Philosophy.

The doctor Lady Philosophy, full of poetry and rhetorical sophistication, engages in an intricate game of Christian seduction. For earthly Christian men, virtuous loving differs from consorting with dressy whores, and from merely cherishing a wife as mother of your children. Lady Philosophy proposes to lead Boethius to understand fully his manhood “under my direction, along my path, and by my means {meo ductu, mea semita, meis etiam vehiculis}.” Lady Philosophy, much more human than philosophy alone, offers unitive understanding:

The warmth of springtime calls forth blooming
flowers that perfume the air:
hot summer dries the grain in the fields;
autumn brings the happy harvest;
and in wintertime the rains come down
to nourish and refresh the earth.
These delicate balances order all
that live and breathe on the bountiful earth,
and that same order takes them away
at the end, when their span of time has run.
But always above there sits the Lord
who rules all things and holds in his hands
the reins that guide his whole creation,
the ruler, the fons et origo.
The lawgiver, the wise judge,
he stirs the stars and planets to motion
and yet controls their paths and orbits,
lest they run wild to break from their circles,
tearing the sky into pieces reducing
the universe to its building blocks,
but the bonds of love hold those pieces in place.
Love is that common fount of all;
All seek adhesion to that end, the good.
Things cannot otherwise survive
Unless, in Love’s renewed embrace, they flow
Back to that source, their fount of life.

{ his de causis uere tepenti
spirat florifer annus odores,
aestas cererem feruida siccat,
remeat pomis grauis autumnus,
hiemem defluus inrigat imber.
haec temperies alit ac profert
quicquid uitam spirat in orbe;
eadem rapiens condit et aufert
obitu mergens orta supremo.
sedet interea conditor altus
rerumque regens flectit habenas,
rex et dominus, fons et origo,
lex et sapiens arbiter aequi,
et quae motu concitat ire
sistit retrahens ac uaga firmat;
nam nisi rectos reuocans itus
flexos iterum cogat in orbes,
quae nunc stabilis continet ordo
dissaepta suo fonte fatiscant.
hic est cunctis communis amor
repetuntque boni fine teneri,
quia non aliter durare queant
nisi conuerso rursus amore
refluant causae quae dedit esse. }[11]

Boethius reaps despair from his philosophically idealistic political activity as a leading Roman public figure. Lethargic, he suffers lovesickness from forgetting himself personally as a man. A twelfth-century courtier, less poetic than Lady Philosophy but with similar breadth of learning and interest in dialogue, understood the ultimate earthly consolation to be heterosexual union.[12]

Lady Philosophy, although a doctor, is a Roman woman who gains Boethius’s attention by remaining silent for awhile with modest reserve.[13] She doesn’t explicitly propose the harsh remedy necessary for Boethius to ascend to a higher, more personal, more unitive love. Eloping carnally with Lady Philosophy would be wickedness impossible to hide from the all-seeing judge on high. Trying to hide from God would be unnecessary if Lady Philosophy were Boethius’s wife. The literary implication follows logically. Lady Philosophy, Boethius’s wife, is calling Boethius home to be a virile soul in an invigorated marital bed.[14]

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Read more:

Notes:

[1] Boethius, Consolation of Philosophy, 1.P6, Latin text from O’Donnell (1990), English trans. Langston (2010) p. 15. Richard H. Green finished this translation in 1962. His translation emphasizes accuracy. It translates the poems as prose. For my interpretation, the poetic form is significant. Hence I draw on other translations for the sections in meter. Subsequent prose quotes are from id. (source book.section, translation page) 1.P1, p. 4 (whores from the theater); 1.P2, p. 5 (virile soul);  2.P3, p. 21 (chase wife and fine sons); 2.P4, p. 23 (miserable because not married); 3.P7, p. 42 (childless man happy / bodily pleasures); 4.P1, p. 59 (along my path).

As a philosopher, Boethius wrote Latin translations and learned commentaries on Aristotle’s works on logic. Boethius also wrote treatises on theology. For an overview of Boethius’s writings, Marenbon (2010).

[2] For simplicity, I refer to the first-person voice of the man within Consolation of Philosophy as Boethius. That character is not necessarily identical with the author Boethius. Within the text, Lady Philosophy is identified only as Philosophy, referenced with female gender. Because Philosophy’s sex is crucial to my interpretation, I refer to Philosophy as Lady Philosophy.

[3] Boethius had “close and enthusiastic knowledge” of Juvenal as well as of Ovid. Walsh (1999) p. xxxix. Consolation of Philosophy 2.P5.34 refers to Juvenal X.19 (poor have no need to worry about robbers), and Consolation of Philosophy 4.M3.15 refers to Juvenal XV.163 (Tigris Indica). As an elite Roman Christian living in Rome, Boethius read Jerome’s Vulgate Bible and also undoubtedly knew of Jerome’s influential letters to elite Romans. As a leading Roman public official, Boethius would have also known Roman legal history.

[4] Consolation of Philosophy 2.P3, trans. Langston (2010) p. 15. In the next prose section, Lady Philosophy presents a more extensive, but highly conventional, laudatory description of Boethius’s wife:

Your wife, so gracious, so chaste, so like her father in excellence of character, still lives, though now she is weary of life and goes on only for your sake. Even I must concede that in her case your happiness is greatly marred since her sorrow for your misfortune is killing her.

{ uiuit uxor ingenio modesta, pudicitia pudore praecellens et, ut omnes eius dotes breuiter includam, patri similis; uiuit, inquam, tibique tantum uitae huius exosa spiritum seruat, quoque uno felicitatem minui tuam uel ipsa concesserim, tui desiderio lacrimis ac dolore tabescit. }

2.P4, id. p. 22. In the last sentence quoted above, Lady Philosophy construes intricate interpersonal connections between Boethius and his wife.

[5] Boethius at a young age married his foster-father’s daughter Rusticiana. They had two sons, Symmachus and Boethius. While Boethius’s sons were politically successful, the quality of their personal relationship with him isn’t otherwise attested. In the Consolation of Philosophy, Boethius has a tortuous relation with philosophy. Lady Philosophy may be referring to Boethius as her son, in the sense of being a wayward disciple. The context, however, is that of real, human relationships.

Boethius refers to Euripides’ Andromache ll. 418-20. Those lines actually express Andromache’s love for her child:

All mankind, it seems, find that children are their very souls. Whoever finds fault with this through inexperience, although he has less pain, has a poor happiness.

{ πᾶσι δ᾽ ἀνθρώποις ἄρ᾽ ἦν
ψυχὴ τέκν᾽: ὅστις δ᾽ αὔτ᾽ ἄπειρος ὢν ψέγει,
ἧσσον μὲν ἀλγεῖ, δυστυχῶν δ᾽ εὐδαιμονεῖ. }

Given Boethius’s sophisticated treatment of these lines from Andromache, the relation of Boethius and Lady Philosophy to their sons should be allowed possibilities for irony.

[6] Consolation of Philosophy 2.P5. According to Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers 9.10.59, Life of Anaxarchus:

when Nicocreon commanded his {Anaxarchus’s} tongue to be cut out, they say he bit it off and spat it at him.

{ κελεύσαντος δὲ τοῦ Νικοκρέοντος καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν αὐτοῦ ἐκτμηθῆναι, λόγος ἀποτραγόντα προσπτύσαι αὐτῷ. }

Cf. Jerome, The Life of Paul the First Hermit, s. 3, described in my post on castration in the story of the Nun of Watton.

[7] Lady Philosophy declares in 3.P2:

they want a wife and children because they regard them as sources of pleasure

{ uxor ac liberi quae iucunditatis gratia petuntur. }

Trans. Langston (2010) p. 35. In 2.P7, Lady Philosophy muses:

What now shall I say about bodily pleasures? Longing for that is full of anxiety. Its satisfaction is full of regret. … The pleasure one finds in his wife and children ought to be a most wholesome thing….

{ Quid autem de corporis voluptatibus loquar quarum appetentia quidem plena est anxietatis, satietas vero poenitentiae? … Honestissima quidem coniugis foret liberorumque iucunditas… }

Trans. id. p. 42. Most husbands experience with their wives a type of pleasure that they have no interest in attempting to seek with their children. Lady Philosophy’s claims about bodily pleasures are best interpreted with respect to Boethius’s specific life history.

[8] Consolation of Philosophy 2.m5.1-9, 16-30, trans. Slavitt (2008) pp. 47-8. Relihan (2001), p. xxix, notes that he constructed his translation “so as to avoid sexist language.” Relihan’s translation of 2.m5 thus obscures that the violence is violence against men. Recognizing the highly sex-disparate imprisonment of men is also relevant to a poem about a prisoner. As indicated above, sex is central to a personally sophisticated, textually detailed interpretation of the Consolation of Philosophy. For related mythic history, see my post on Pamphilus and men’s abasement, labor, and violence.

[9] Donato (2013), Ch. 1, convincingly argues that Boethius, with his commitment to aristocratic ideals of late antiquity, didn’t privilege external goods over intellectual and moral excellence.

[10] Consolation of Philosophy 3.M7, trans. Relihan (2001) p. 64. Slavitt’s translation effaces the singularity of the bee that stings.

[11] Consolation of Philosophy 4.M6.25-48, trans. Slavitt (2008) pp. 140-1, Walsh (1999) p. 94. The last four lines are from Walsh’s translation. Slavitt’s translation narrows the focus of the last three lines to the firmament and includes a superfluous, confusing negative. The previous short quote, “under my direction, along my path, and by my means,” is from Consolation of Philosophy 4.P1

This poem echoes themes of 2.m8, later memorably personalized in Dante, Paradiso IIII.143-5. Donato (2013) and Blackwood (2015) insightfully emphasize the importance of personal experience and poetic music for understanding fully Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy.

[12] Writing in France about 1200, Andreas Capellanus described love “with the final consolation avoided {extremo paetermisso solatio}.” Andreas Capellanus, De amore 1.6.473, from Walsh (1982) p. 181 (from the eighth dialogue between a man of higher nobility and a woman of higher nobility). The term solatium occurs throughout De amore in reference to incarnated love. The context — incarnated love for another person — identifies solatium with consolatio.

[13] Consolation of Philosophy 2.1:

Philosophy was silent for a while; then, regaining my attention by her modest reserve, she began thus …

{ Post haec paulisper obticuit atque ubi attentionem meam modesta taciturnitate collegit, sic exorsa est }

Trans. Langston (2010) p. 17 (modified slightly).

[14] Donato (2013) identifies Lady Philosophy’s wide-ranging, personal therapy as helping Boethius to overcome his preoccupation with elite Roman public life. Relihan (2007) Ch. 9, which perceives a Christian intention in Consolation of Philosophy, highlights that its last three lines refer to Esther 16:4. The text in Esther is from the decree of Ahasuerus. Given the personal characters of both figures in the text, Tobit 7:4 seems to me to point to a fuller interpretation of Consolation of Philosophy’s end.

[image] Lady Philosophy and Boethius, who is lethargically lying in bed. Illumination from anonymous French translation of Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy. France, 1477. Harley 4339, f. 2. Thanks to the British Library.

References:

Blackwood, Stephen. 2015. The Consolation of Boethius as poetic liturgy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Donato, Antonio. 2013. Boethius’ Consolation of philosophy as a product of late antiquity. London: Bloomsbury Academic.

Langston, Douglas C. ed. 2010. Boethius. The consolation of philosophy: authoritative text, contexts, criticism. New York: W.W. Norton & Co.

Marenbon, John. 2010. “Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius.” Entry in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

O’Donnell, James Joseph, ed. 1990. Boethius. Consolatio philosophiae. Bryn Mawr Latin Commentaries. Bryn Mawr, PA: Thomas Library, Bryn Mawr College. Online presentations via O’Donnell at Georgetown and via Perseus.

Relihan, Joel C., trans. 2001. Boethius. Consolation of philosophy. Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Pub. Co.

Relihan, Joel C. 2007. The prisoner’s philosophy: life and death in Boethius’s Consolation. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press.

Slavitt, David R., trans. 2008. Boethius. The consolation of philosophy. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University.

Walsh, P. G., trans. 1982. Andreas Capellanus on love {De amore}. London: Duckworth.

Walsh, P. G., trans. 1999. Boethius. The consolation of philosophy. Oxford: Clarendon Press.