Waltharius continued: Christian epic hero becomes monk

In the early medieval Germanic epic poem Waltharius, Prince Walter of Aquitaine and his beloved, Princess Hildegund of Burgundy, escape captivity under Attila the Hun. They contrived for Attila and his court to fall asleep drunk and stuffed with food after a lavish banquet. Hildegund and Walter then sneaked away. In their escape, Hildegund led like a pack mule Walter’s war horse loaded with stolen treasure. The warrior-hero Walter walked away with her. That’s not how epic heroes typically escape captivity. Walter, however, was a Christian epic hero. In subsequent medieval continuations of Waltharius, Walter became a monk. Whether as a warrior or as a monk, Walter was comically distinctive as a Christian.

Ruthwell cross contains scenes from Christ's life and runic inscriptions

According to the late-twelfth century epic The Monastic Life of William {Le Moniage Guillaume}, Count William, a figure associated with the epic hero Walter of Aquitaine, became a monk upon the death of his wife. William and his wife had lived a hundred years together in joy, often joking and laughing together. While William was grieving over his wife’s death, God instructed William to become a monk at the Genevois abbey on the sea. William donned his armor, took up his sword and shield, mounted his war horse, and journeyed to the abbey. There he placed his knightly equipment on the altar. He requested to the abbot that he be admitted as a monk.

While readers of epics typically take for granted massive violence against men, the abbot at Genevois didn’t. He knew about the epic hero Walter / William:

“Sir William,” says the abbot, “good, sweet lord,
you have killed and cut down many men.
I cannot deny you penance
for your sins. You have killed twenty thousand men.”

{ “Sire Guillaume,” dist l’abes, “biaus dous sire,
Maint home avés fait tüer et ocire;
De penitance ne vos puis escondire
Pour vos peciés, dont avés fait vint mile.” }[1]

William apparently knew of such epic behavior only be ear. When the abbot asked him if he knew how to chant and read, William answered, “Yes, sir abbot, without looking at a book {Öil, sire abes, sans regarder en livre}.” The abbot and the monks laughed at William’s illiteracy. They promised to teach him to read the Psalter and sing matins. William’s penance for his massive violence against men was the duties of a monk.

epic warrior-hero William of Aquitaine becomes a monk

William became a highly distinguished monk. After being tonsured, he was given monastic garments. Those garments were far too short for him, for he was nine inches taller than any other monk. He also ate much more. One monk complained:

I’ve never seen a man with such a large appetite.
If we have a loaf and half to eat,
he has three, yet is never satisfied.
Curses on such a monk in the abbey!

He barely fasts from midday to early afternoon.
Mornings he eats three good, large loaves,
so that not a crumb or crust remains.
When we have beans, he demands the beet-root
and fish and in addition good wine —
of a large barrel, not a drop remains.

{ De si grant coust ne vi home en ma vie:
Quant nos avons une mice et demie,
Il en a trois, ne s’en saole mie.
Mal dehet ait tel moine en abëie!

A paines june de midi dusqu’a none;
Au main menjue trois mices grans et bones,
N’i remaint point de mie ne de croste.
Quant a des feves, si demande la joute
Et les poissons et le bon vin encontre;
D’un grant sestier n’en remanra ja gote. }

The monks feared that William’s voracious eating would cause them all to starve. Moreover, he threatened them with his fists if he didn’t get his way. He severely beat the abbey cellarer for not giving him more wine.

According to Le Moniage Guillaume, the abbot conspired with the other monks to have William sent on journey that they hoped would result in him being killed. They sent him to buy fish by journeying through the forest. There robbers regularly waylaid travelers. Deliberately putting William in danger isn’t Christian. Nonetheless, the abbot enjoined William to Christian non-violence. If robbers took his goods, he was not to fight back. William spoke of hypothetical thefts and imagined his furious fighting response. In each case — robbers taking his horse, gloves, boots, and wool tunic — the abbot forbade anger and forbade fighting back. But when the matter got down to underwear, the abbot recognized an exception:

And William says: “If they take my underwear,
the item that we call breeches?”
“Certainly,” said the abbot, “that would be a bad thing,
a thing that should much displease you.
Defend your underwear if you can do some harm to the thieves.
With bone and flesh you may act strongly against them.”
And William says: “This would please me well.
Since permission has been given to me to do that,
I swear to you by the body of Saint Hilaire,
if they should do anything to me that should displease me,
they will find me fierce and cruel.
To have my underwear pulled off of me would be a big shame.
Before they have my underwear, I would make several roar,
if God preserves my fists.

{ Et dist Guillaume: “S’il me tollent mes braies,
Icele chose c’on claime famulaires?”
“Chertes,” dist l’abes, “dont seroit cose laide;
De cele cose vos doit il bien desplaire.
Desfendés lor si lor pôés mal faire:
D’os et de char lor faites grant contraire.”
Et dist Guillaume: “Ice me puet bien plaire.
Quant le congié me donés de ce faire,
Je vos en jur par le cors saint Ylaire,
S’il me font chose qui me doie desplaire,
Troveront moi felon et deputaire.
Grant honte aroie de mes braies hors traire,
Ains que les aient en i ferai maint braire,
Se Dex mes bras me sauve.” }[2]

Depriving a man of his underwear isn’t usual epic matter. The abbot’s specification of bone and flesh for William’s strong response alludes to Adam’s love for Eve: “bone of my bones and flesh of my flesh.” Moreover, the repeated use of the verbs meaning please / displease contributes to a sexual context.[3] Seeking to seduce the robbers, William wore a silk belt trimmed with gold when he traveled through the forest to buy fish.

Traveling back through the forest with the purchased fish, William encouraged his servant-attendant to sing. The servant-attendant began like a courtly singer of epics:

Would you like to hear about Sir Tiebaut the Slav,
and of William, marquis with the short nose,
how he captured the city of Orange,
and took Orable as his wife and peer,
and Gloriete the principal palace?

{ Volés öir de dant Tibaut l’Escler,
Et de Guillaume, le marcis au cort nés.
Si com il prist Orenge la chité,
Et prist Orable a moillier et a per,
Et Gloriete, le palais principer? }

Before William could cheer on this epic song about himself, the singer stopped. He was afraid of attracting robbers. William, however, commanded him not to stop singing. William said that he shouldn’t be afraid, for he would protect him.

Fifteen robbers heard the singing and came to despoil the travelers. They tied up the servant-attendant and threw him in a ditch. Then they demanded goods from William. Without resisting, William gave them his horse, gloves, robe, wool tunic, and gown. He was then naked except for his boots and his underwear. His luxurious belt held tight his underwear:

The leader of the thieves has seen the belt
and the precious stones and the fine gold gleaming.
He swears by God that he won’t let it go.
He kneels down, for he wants to untie it,
so that he can pull it out of William’s underwear.
The count watches him and can’t help but rage:
“Ah, God,” William says, “now I must go mad!
These treacherous swine have captured me,
and they don’t want to leave me even my underwear!

Our leader in the abbey has commanded me:
if I find a man who seizes my underwear
and wants to pull off my belt by force,
only then could I get angry.
If I much delay, better not to have been born,
for these men are very evil and treacherous.”
He raises his fist and strikes the leader.
He gives such a blow on the front of his face
that he breaks the bone of his jaw into two parts
and throws him dead onto the earth.

{ Li maistres lerres a coisi le braier
Et les jagonches et l’or fin flamboier;
Damedieu jure ne li vaudra laissier.
Il s’agenoille, qu’il li veut deslacier,
Qu’il le voloit fors des braies sacier.
Voit le li quens, n’i ot que courecier:
“He! Dex,” dist il, “com or puis esragier,
Com or me tienent cist gloton losengier,
Que nes mes braes ne me veulent laissier!”

“Ja commanda dans abes, nostre maistre,
Se trovoie home qui me tolist mes braies.
Et mon braier vausist a force traire,
Lors dont a primes me poroie je iraistre.
Se plus ateng, miex vauroie estre a naistre,
Car il sont trop felon et deputaire.”
Hauce le poig, si vait ferir le maistre;
Tel cop li done devant en son visage,
L’os de la goule en deus moitiés li quasse,
Mort le trebuce a terre. }[4]

Kneeling in front of William and tugging on the belt of his underwear suggests sexual assault. Rape of men happens about as frequently as rape of women. In this case, William fought back using only flesh and bone. After killing seven of the thieves, he lamenting not been able to use a sword. Upon looking around for a permitted weapon, he tore the leg off a horse and bludgeoned the rest of the thieves to death with that flesh and bone.

The Well-Laden Ship {Fecunda ratis}, an early eleventh-century Latin reader for students, more explicitly points an attack on a man’s underwear. The hero in this version is the great soldier Walter. As an aged man, Walter apparently become a monk and traveled on behalf of his brother monks. They placed him under an underwear rule:

The brothers mandated Walter not to surrender his underwear,
but to defend that alone after everything else had been taken from him.

{ Mandant Waltero fratres non tradere brachas,
Omnibus ablatis tacito defendere solas }[5]

While Walter was on a journey, robbers waylaid him. He surrendered to the robbers his horse, his horse’s armor, his whip, all his outer clothes, and his hood. When the thieves sought to take his underwear, he fought back:

Experienced in military service, he was vigorous with weapons, as is well-known.
He scattered their assault and repressed it with great strength.
He hurled them all down from their horses without shedding blood.
He said, “Every other spoil, but none from the anus,
the brothers tolerate for those who carry the brothers’ messages.
Such booty they forbid to the greedy robber.

{ usus militia viguit, quae nota, sub armis:
dissipat assultus macta virtute repressos,
Omnes disiectos ab equis sine sanguine stravit,
dicens: “Omne quidem spolium, de podice nullum
fratres his tolerant, qui fratrum nuntia portant,
tales exuvias avido vetuere latroni.” }

The reference to raping men or boys should be obvious. In the relatively enlightened medieval period, the rape of men and boys wasn’t regarded as merely a laughing matter. Young men students learned a specific example of resisting rape by fighting to retain their underwear. The Christian epic hero Walter defeated gang rape without shedding blood and without penal punishment of the offenders. In Christian understanding, everything is possible for those who believe in God.[6]

monk Saint William of Gellone, a former warrior (see helmet on ground) teaching women and men religious

The mid-eleventh century Chronicle of Novalese {Chronicon Novaliciense} adapted the Waltharius and similarly continued it to make Walter into a monk at the monastery of Novalesa in northwest Italy. Walter joined the great Christian king Charlemagne in the Chronicon Novaliciense’s work of linking the Novalesa monastery to important figures. While its story closely follows parts of the earlier Waltharius, “a more Christian hero now inhabits a more Christian epic.”[7] The Chronicon Novaliciense develops the underwear rule, but here Walter speaks with the formality and deference that Abraham did in bargaining with God to prevent Sodom’s destruction:

Then Walter: “I beg, my lord, be not angry if I inquire further. What should happen about my underwear, if they similarly wish to do what they did previously with my other goods?” And the abbot replied, “Let the humility already displayed suffice for you. I decree nothing to you concerning your underwear, since your humility would seem to me to have been great in allowing the despoiling of your other vestments.”

{ Tunc Waltarius: “Obsecro, mi domine, ne irascaris, si loqui addero. De femoralia quid erit, si similiter voluerint facere ut prius fecerunt?” Et abbas: “Iam tibi predicta suffitiat humilitas: nam de femoralibus tibi aliud non precipiam, cum magna nobis videatur fore humilitas priorum vestium expoliatio.” }[8]

When Walter subsequently went on a journey, robbers seized his other goods and then sought his underwear. He fought back strongly and used metal weapons and the leg of a calf as a club to kill many of the robbers. The most intimately approaching robber bent down to take Walter’s sandals from his feet. Walter struck that robber with a killing blow to the neck.

Within Christian epic, succumbing to pride is the worst loss. In the Chronicon Novaliciense, Walter’s heroic victory over the robbers was nearly a defeat:

Many of the robbers were killed, and the rest were indeed put to flight. They left everything behind. After Walter obtained his victory, he took everything — his own goods and the others’ goods — and returned at once to the monastery. He was laden with his great spoils. When the abbot saw these things about which he had already heard, he however immediately groaned. With the rest of the brethren he gave himself over to lamentations and prayers for Walter and admonished him harshly. Walter then truly accepted the penance that the father advised, lest by such a wicked deed he be overcome with his body’s pride. From pride he could suffer the loss of his soul.

{ Ex illis namque plurimis occisis, reliqui vero in fugam versi relinquerunt omnia. Waltharius autem adepta victoria accipiens cuncta et sua et aliena, repedavit continuo ad monasterium, cum maxima preda oneratum. Abbas autem talia ut ante audierat, vidit, ilico ingemuit ac se in lamentum et precibus cum reliquis pro eo dedit fratribus, increpans eum valde acrius. Waltarius vero exin penitentiam accipiens a predicto patrono, ne de tanto scelere superbiretur in corpore, unde iacturam pateretur in anima. }

Pride in Walter’s heroic deed implied grief. Christians understood pride to be a cardinal sin. Defeating robbers and acquiring much spoils is little gain relative relative to spiritual loss. Even retaining one’s underwear could not compensate for the loss of one’s soul.

While not as important as the fate of one’s soul, underwear was a matter on considerable concern to Christians in medieval Europe. Hebrew scripture commanded that Aaron and his sons wear underwear when ministering to the Lord in the tabernacle. The sixth-century Christian monastic Rule of Saint Benedict declared that in ordinary places simple clothing not including underwear is sufficient for monks.[9] Benedictine monks thus established the practice now commonly known as “going commando.” Some regarded that practice as scandalous. In a letter of instruction issued in 866, Pope Nicholas I declared:

What you have asked concerning underwear we consider to be pointless. … For if you or if your women take off or put on underwear, it does not bring about salvation nor does it offer any increase in your virtues.

{ Quod de femoralibus sciscitamini, supervacuum esse putamus … Nam sive vos, sive feminae vestrae, sive deponatis,sive induatis femoralia, nec saluti officit, nec ad virtutum vestrarum proficit incrementum. }[10]

Nonetheless, the Cistercians, a monastic community founded in 1098 to observe more strictly the Rule of Saint Benedict, rejected underwear along with other luxuries.[11] Whether monks should wear underwear became quite controversial among monastic orders in twelfth-century Europe.

While repenting his past violence against men, the Christian epic hero fought to retain his underwear as a monk. His monkish resolve transcended the bitter monastic controversy over underwear. He fought as a monk against men being raped. More importantly, the Christian epic hero rejected pride.[12] Rejecting pride is the most distinctive sign of being Christian.

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Notes:

[1] The Monastic Life of William {Le Moniage Guillaume} (short version / version I) vv. 125-8, Old French text from Cloetta (1906-11) vol. 1, English translation (modified) from Ferrante (1974).

Le Moniage Guillaume apparently drew upon epic literature associated with three Walter / William figures. One was Walter of Aquitaine, the hero of the Waltharius. Walter of Aquitaine is associated with the fifth-century Germanic kingdom of the Burgundians in southwestern France. Another was William of Gellone, founder of the Abbey of Gellone and probably the same person as William, Count of Toulouse. William of Toulouse was a counselor to Charlemagne’s son Louis. The third was William of Orange {Guillaume d’Orange}, the hero of a major Old French epic cycle known as La Geste de Garin de Monglane. Guillaume d’Orange was credited with driving the Saracens out of Provence in southern France.

The lives and legends of the three Walter / William figures intermixed in various ways. The early tenth-century Waltharius, the mid-eleventh-century Chronicon Novaliciense’s account of Walter as a warrior and a monk, the early-twelfth-century Life of William of Gellone {Vita Willelmi Gellonensis}, and the late-twelfth-century Moniage Guillaume show the mixing of these Walter / William figures over time.

In the chanson de geste The Crowning of Louis {Le Couronnement de Louis}, Walter of Tolouse appears as William of Orange’s nephew:

The count William sent for him called Walter
the Toulousain, thus to announce the plan.
He was his sister’s son, a noble knight.

{ Li cuens Guillelmes en apela Gualtier
Le Tolosan, ensi l’oï noncier.
Fin sa seror, un gentill chevalier }

Le Couronnement de Louis, vv. 1656-8, Old French text from Langlois (1920), my English translation, benefitting from that of Ferrante (1974). Walter is called “the courtly Walter {li corteis Gualtiers}.” Le Couronnement de Louis, v. 1288, sourced similarly. See also id. v. 567. For further analysis of the Walter / William figure, Smith (2011) pp. 161-5 and Black (2006). For related literature, Learned (1892), Cloetta (1906-11), vol. 2, Magoun & Smyser (1950), and Ziolkowski (2012).

The Genevois abbey of Le Moniage Guillaume seems to refer to the abbey of Aniane in Languedoc, France. Saint Benedict (Witiza) of Aniane was the leading abbot in the reign of Charlemagne. Benedict founded the Aniane abbey about 780. The Benedictine abbey of Gellone, founded in 804, was initially subordinate to the abbey of Aniane. The abbey of Gellone began to be called the abbey of Saint Guillaume early in the eleventh century. By the mid-twelfth-century, it was known as the abbey of Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert. Along with those name changes, William of Gellone was assimilated to the epic hero Guillaume d’Orange in a new charter for the monastery forged late in the eleventh century or early in the twelfth. In this new foundation legend, Guillaume d’Orange fled the Genevois abbey / abbey of Aniane to found the abbey of Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert. On re-imagining the abbey’s founding, Remensnyder (1995) pp. 189-93.

Abbey of Gellone / Abbey of Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert (Hérault, France)

The epic hero William who became a monk in Moniage Guillaume had earlier been known as William Fierce Arm {Guillaume Fièrebrace} and William with the Short Nose {Guillelme au cort nes}. On these names, Ferrante (1974) p. 38, and Hüe (2016). According to the epic, William’s nose had been damaged in his fight with a giant.

Le Moniage Guillaume survives in short and long versions. Subsequent quotes from Le Moniage Guillaume are similarly sourced from the short version, unless otherwise noted. Quotes from Le Moniage Guillaume above are vv. 131 (Yes, sir abbot, without looking at a book), 192-5, 201-6 (I’ve never seen a man with such a large appetite…), 345-58 (And William says: “If they take my underwear,”…), 446-50 (Would you like to hear about Sir Tiebaut the Slav…), 574-82, 590-99 (The leader of the thieves has seen the belt…).

[2] Above I’ve translated braies, from the Latin bracae, as “underwear.” That word probably has the same historical source as the English word “breeches.” To differentiate the Old French word famulaires, I’ve translated it as “breeches.”

Underwear styles have changed through history. Breeches aren’t identical to what today are called boxer underwear. Above I’ve favored in translation the word “underwear” because that’s the most common and easily understood English word for the relevant undergarment.

[3] Cf. Genesis 2:23. The long version of Moniage Guillaume trivializes William’s concern about losing his underwear. Specifically, upon hearing William’s question about underwear, the abbot “laughs to himself {ris desous sa cape}.” Moniage Guillaume, long version (version II), v. 695, Old French text from Cloetta (1906-11), vol. 1.

[4] The long version of Moniage Guillaume deflects concern about rape into concern about nakedness:

If they take my underwear from me, that would be great harm,
because one would be able to see all my matter.

{ S’il les me tolent, chou sera grans contraires,
Car on porra veir tot mon afaire. }

Moniage Guillaume, long version (version II), v. 689-90, Old French text from Cloetta (1906-11), vol. 1, my English translation.

An underwear story included in Chronicle of the Monastery of Montecassino {Chronica monasterii Casinensis} by 1075 similarly avoids the threat of rape. This story concerns Carloman, the son of the Frankish majordomo Charles Martel. Carloman, a Frankish leader himself, retired to the monastery of Montecassino in 747. One day while he was guarding the monastery’s sheep, thieves attacked him:

Those persons of a perverted mind, having robbed him of everything, began to depart. Then Carloman, not suffering the shame of his shameless members, violently snatched from them only his underwear. Unwilling to contend for the rest, he patiently allowed his other goods to be taken away.

{ Illi vero perversae mentis homines funditus eum expoliantes, coeperunt abire. Tum Karolus pudorem pudendorum membrorum non sufferens, femoralia tantum sua violenter eis eripuit; caetera, nolens contendere, patienter illos auferre permisit. }

Leo of Ostia {Leo Ostiensis}, also known as Leo of the Marsi {Leo Marsicanus}, Chronica monasterii Casinensis, chapter 7, Latin text from Monumenta Germaniae Historica, SS 7, p. 584, my English translation. Without any convincing evidence, Cleotta regarded this version of the underwear story as the original. Cloetta (1906-11) vol. 2, p. 132, n. 2, and p. 134. Peter the Deacon subsequently expanded the story. Id. p. 132, n. 2.

[5] Egbert of Liège, The Well-Laden Ship {Fecunda ratis} 1.1717-8, Latin text and English translation (modified slightly) from Babcock (2013). The subsequent quote above is similarly from Fecunda ratis vv. 1.1727-32. Voigt (1889), which is freely available, provides a nearly identical Latin text.

Egbert, a teacher at the cathedral school of Liège, completed Fecunda ratis between 1010 and 1026. Babcock (2013) p. xiii, xv. Fecunda ratis has survived in a single, eleventh-century manuscript: Cologne, Erzbischöfliche Diözesanbibliothek, Dombibliothek codex 196, fols. 1r-63r.

The story of Walter and his underwear is titled “About the monk Walter defending his breeches {De Waltero monacho brachas defendente}.” The story begins: “The brothers mandated Walter not to surrender his breeches {Mandant Waltero fratres non tradere brachas}.” Fecunda ratis 1.1717. That verse seems to have been proverbial. Elsewhere in the context of one-verse proverbs, it’s repeated nearly verbatim: “The brothers mandated Walter not to relinquish his breeches {Mandant Waltero fratres non reddere brachas}.” Fecunda ratis 1.214.

The reference to Walter’s “military service {militia}” being “well-known {nota}” (v. 1.1727) points to Walter’s action in a prior epic tradition. That’s plausibly the epic tradition of the Waltharius.

[6] Mark 9:23. Fecunda ratis is “schoolbook for young boys.” Babcock (2013) p. vii. The inclusion of the story “De Waltero monacho brachas defendente” in such a schoolbook points to the continuing problem of men raping boys. Curtius called it a “droll story{Schwank}” and a “droll tale {Schwank}.” Curtius (1953) p. 434. That narrow interpretation seems to me a serious misreading in the institutional context of Fecunda ratis. Consistent with ignorance and gender-bigotry in discussing rape, Woods (1996) ignores rape of boys and men.

[7] Clark (2017) p. 359.

[8] Chronicle of Novalese {Chronicon Novaliciense} 2.11.12-14, Latin text and English translation (modified slightly) from Clark (2017). The monastery of Novalese was founded in 726 in the Susa Valley of northwest Italy. In the middle of eleventh century, a monk of Novalese constructed a history of the Novalese monastery. This Chronicon Novaliciense has survived only incompletely in a parchment roll {rotulus}. It’s probably the original manuscript. It’s now preserved in the State Archives of Turin {Archivio di Stato di Torino}. Id. p. 1. The subsequent quote above is similarly from Chronicon Novaliciense 2.11.37-40.

[9] On the priestly underwear requirement, Exodus 28:42-3, 39:28; Ecclesiasticus 45:8. Saint Benedict of Nursia established his monastic precepts, know as the Rule of Saint Benedict, early in the sixth century. Chapter 55 of the Rule of Saint Benedict contains precepts concerning underwear. Here’s Latin text of Chapter 55 and an English translation.

[10] Response of Nicholas to a Bulgarian emissary {Responsa Nicolai ad consulta bulgaronun}, Latin text from Patrologia Latina 119:1002 via Shopkow (2017) p. 188, English translation (modified slightly) from id.

[11] Robert of Molesme founded the Cistercian Order in 1098. He intended the Cistercian monks to follow the Rule of Saint Benedict more strictly than Benedictine monks then did. Because of the white cowl that they wore, Cistercian monks were known as “White Monks.” The White Monk strictly observed the Rule of Saint Benedict by, among other practices, not wearing underwear.

In Nigel of Canterbury’s Mirror of Fools {Speculum stultorum}, Burnel the donkey pondered becoming a White Monk. Despite donkeys being renowned for having big penises, Burnel was anxious about his penis (“tail”) being short. That anxiety influenced his thinking about not wearing underwear as a White Monk:

They don’t have the bother of underwear when lying down
in bed. They are far from fear of that!
Their genital members down below know no underwear.
Night and day together their genitals will be always unrestricted.
Therefore what would I do, if wind coming from the south
would quickly bare my behind?
How could one bear to face such shame?
Afterwards how could one return to the cloister by foot?
So if by chance my shameful nudity might be seen,
I would never be a White Monk for the rest of my life.

{ Taedia de nocte femoralia nulla jacenti
In lecto facient; sit procul iste timor.
Nescia braccarum genitalia membra deorsum
Nocte dieque simul libera semper erunt.
Ergo quid facerem, veniens si ventus ab Austro
Nudaret subito posteriora mea?
Qua facie tantum quis sustinuisse pudorem
Possit et ad claustrum postea ferre pedem?
Quod si contingat mea nuda pudenda videri,
Nunquam de reliquo Monachus Albus ero. }

Speculum stultorum, vv. 2139-48, Latin text from Mozlley & Raymo (1960), my English translation, benefiting from that of Regenos (1959). If his genitals were exposed, Burnel would forever be red in embarrassment. That’s why he would no longer be a White Monk.

Inadvertent exposure wasn’t merely the matter of a medieval donkey’s anxiety. Walter Map’s late-twelfth-century On trifles of courtiers {De nugis curialium} tells of a great procession by the English king Henry II and Rericus, “a great monk and an honorable man {monachus magnus et honestus}.” A White Monk stumbled in front of them:

The wind propelled his habit over his neck such that the natural truth was made clearly visible. The wretched parts of which one is to be ashamed appeared before the unwilling eyes of the lord king and Rericus. The king, that repository of all politeness, pretended that his face was averted, and he was quiet. Rericus, however, said to himself softly, “A curse on the scrupulousness that reveals the anus!”

{ uentus autem uestes eius in collum propulit, ut domini regis et Rerici oculis inuitis manifesta fieret misera ueritas pudendorum. Rex, ut omnis facecie thesaurus, dissimulans uultum auertit, et tacuit. Rericus autem intulit secreto “Maledicta, religio que deuelat anum!” }

De nugis curialium 1.25, Latin text from James, Brooke & Mynors (1983), my English translation, benefitting from that of id.

[12] Tension between Christian values and epic values have long been recognized. In a letter to a Mercian bishop (probably Bishop Unuuona of Leicester), Alcuin of York in 797 asked, “What Has Ingeld To Do With Christ {Quid Hinieldus cum Christo}?” Alcuin, Letter 124. Cf. 2 Corinthians 6:14-15. Ingeld was an epic hero in Old English literature. Alcuin’s concern, however, wasn’t just the performance of epics at episcopal banquets. He was more generally castigating “an over-cosy alliance between a Mercian bishop and king.” Garrison (2005) p. 252.

Christian remolding of Germanic epic is apparent in the Old English poem “Dream of the Rood.” A scholar observed:

the concept of heroism in Old English Christian poetry does not simply reveal a dichotomy of Germanic and Christian; the Christian itself is many-coloured and, by and large, consonant with the Germanic. But at the deepest level it is flatly contradictory. The Christian hero manifests holiness, which encourages patience, while the Germanic hero reflects courage, which leads to pride.

Woeber (1995) p. 364.

[images] (1) Ruthwell Cross in the Ruthwell Church, Dumfries & Galloway, Scotland in 2017. This monument was made in the eighth-century Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Northumbria. It contains scenes from Christ’s life, Latin inscriptions, and runic inscriptions. Source image thanks to Rosser1954 and Wikimedia Commons. Here’s a less mystical view. (2) Epic warrior-hero William of Aquitaine becomes a monk. Carved, painted, and gilded chestnut relief made in the first quarter of the sixteenth century for Saint William’s Church {Église Saint-Guillaume} in Strasbourg. Image thanks to Ji-Elle and Wikimedia Commons. (3) Monk Saint William of Gellone, a former warrior (see helmet on ground) teaching women and men religious. Excerpt from folio 88r of Book of Hours of Simon de Varie, made in 1455 and preserved as MS. Koninklijke Bibliotheek (The Hague, Netherlands) 74 G37. (4) Abbey of Gellone / Abbey of Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert (Hérault, France). Excerpted from a photo by Fabien Dany. Shared, including on Wikimedia Commons, under a CC By SA 2.0 license.

References:

Babcock, Robert Gary, ed. and trans. 2013. Egbert of Liège. The Well-Laden Ship. Dumbarton Oaks Medieval Library 25. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press.

Black, Patricia E. 2006. “Transformation of the knight in the Moniage Guillaume.” Olifant. 25:1-2: 133-140.

Clark, Elizabeth Artemis. 2017. The Chronicle of Novalese: Translation, Text and Literary Analysis. Ph.D. Thesis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Graduate School.

Cloetta, Wilhelm, ed. 1906-11. Les Deux Rédactions en Vers du Moniage Guillaume; chansons de geste du XIIe siècle, publiées d’après tous les manuscrits connus. 2 vols. Paris: Firmin-Didot pour la Société des Anciens Textes Français. Vol. 1 (editions). Vol. 2 (commentary and supporting matter).

Curtius, Ernst Robert. 1953. European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. Europäische Literatur und lateinisches Mittelalter (1947), translated from the Germany by Willard R. Trask. New York: Pantheon Books.

Ferrante, Joan M., trans. 1974. Guillaume d’Orange: Four Twelfth-Century Epics. New York: Columbia University Press.

Garrison, Mary. 2005. “Quid Hinieldus cum Christo?” Pp. 237-259 in Katherine O’Brien O’Keeffe and Andy Orchard, eds. Latin Learning and English Lore: Studies in Anglo-Saxon Literature for Michael Lapidge. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Hüe, Denis. 2016. “Le Nez de Guillaume.” Cahiers de Recherches Médiévales et Humanistes 31: 141-155

James, M. R. trans., C. N. L. Brooke, and R. A. B. Mynors, eds. 1983. Walter Map. De nugis curialium {Courtiers’ trifles}. Oxford, Oxfordshire: Clarendon Press.

Learned, Marion Dexter. 1892. The Saga of Walther of Aquitaine. Baltimore: Mod. Lang. Assoc. of America.

Magoun, Francis Peabody and H. M Smyser, trans. 1950. Walter of Aquitaine: Materials for the Study of His Legend. New London, CT: Connecticut College.

Mozley, John H., and Robert R. Raymo, ed. 1960. Nigellus Wireker. Speculum stultorum. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Regenos, Graydon W., trans. 1959. Nigellus Wireker. The Book of Daun Burnel the Ass: Nigellus Wireker’s Speculum stultorum. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Remensnyder, Amy G. 1995. Remembering Kings Past: Monastic Foundation Legends in Medieval Southern France. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Shopkow, Leah. 2017. “Mooning the Abbot: A Tale of Disorder, Vulgarity, Ethnicity, and Underwear in the Monastery.” Chapter 9 (pp. 179-198) in Craig M. Nakashian and Daniel P. Franke, eds. Prowess Piety and Public Order in Medieval Society: Studies in Honor of Richard W. Kaeuper. Leiden: Brill.

Smith, Katherine Allen. 2011. War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture. Studies in the History of Medieval Religion. Woodbridge, UK: The Boydell Press. Review by Matthew Gabriele and by Helen Jane Nicholson.

Voigt, Ernst, ed. 1889. Egberts von Lüttich Fecunda Ratis, zum ersten Mal herausgegeben, auf ihre Quellen zurückgeführt und erklärt von Ernst Voigt. Halle A.S.: M. Niemeyer.

Woeber, Catherine. 1995. “Heroism in Three Old English Poems: A Christian Approach.” Koers. 60 (3): 359-379.

Woods, Marjorie Curry. 1996. “Rape and Pedagogical Rhetoric of Sexual Violence.” Ch. 2 (pp. 56-86) in Rita Copeland, ed. Criticism and Dissent in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Ziolkowski, Jan M. 2012. “Walter of Aquitaine in Spanish Ballad Tradition.” Pp. 171-185 in Joseph Harris, Barbara Hillers, and Sigrid Rieuwerts, eds. 2012. Child’s Children: Ballad Study and Its Legacies. Trier: WVT Wissenschaftlicher Verlag.

Galeron & Ganor on men’s worth versus medieval anti-meninism

What determines a man’s worth? Today some women would say the quality of the shoes he wears, how expensive his watch is, and whether he drives a luxury car. In Gautier d’Arras’s late-twelfth-century romance Ille and Galeron {Ille et Galeron}, the women-heroes Galeron and Ganor declared that the quality of a man’s heart, not his family’s social status, determines his worth. Moreover, in contrast to medieval anti-meninism, neither Galeron nor Ganor required from Ille arduous personal service to gain their love. Galeron and Ganor freely loved Ille for his fine heart and his masculine jewels.

In particular, after Princess Galeron endured on a long, unsuccessful quest to find her husband Ille, she went to Rome to seek penance from the pope. The pope gave her a light penance. She did additional, humbling penance by working as a seamstress while living in modest lodgings in Rome. One day, standing behind the door of Saint Peter’s church, she waited for Ille to enter on his way to a second marriage with the Roman emperor’s daughter Ganor. Galeron said to herself:

By enough great folly have I thought,
when I have taken notice of his lineage!
Whatever man under Heaven was his father,
he himself is worth more than an emperor.
From him is very well evident who he is:
from a worthy heart are worthy conquests,
worthy words, and worthy deeds.
From each man is very well evident what he does.

{ Trop par ai pensé grant folage
quant j’ai pris garde a son parage!
Ques hom sossiel que fust ses pere,
si vaut il mix c’uns emperere.
A lui pert mout bien qui il est:
de rice cuer rice conquest,
rice parole et rice fait.
A cascun pert mout bien qu’il fait. }[1]

In Galeron’s understanding, a man’s heart determines his worth. That’s profound appreciation for men as human beings, not merely instruments.

MIT dance workshop, 1989

Like the relationship between faith and works in Christianity, the relationship between a man’s worthy heart and his worthy deeds can easily be misconstrued.[2] Men historically have been required to do manly deeds in order to be recognized as a man. A man, however, does manly deeds because he’s a man. A man with a worthy heart similarly does worthy deeds if he’s able to do them. However, a man with a wicked heart might also do worthy deeds in order to deceive others about his heart. Do not be deceived! Value men for the quality of their hearts, not for the eminence of their deeds.

A rival to Galeron for Ille’s love, the Roman emperor’s daughter Ganor shared Galeron’s appreciation for men. When Ille resolved to abort his marriage to Ganor and return to his newly found wife Galeron, he attempted to console Ganor. He told her that he was merely the son of Eliduc, a minor noble of Brittany. Ganor strongly rebuked him:

By God, the king of Heaven,
what does your ancestry matter to me?
I seldom see a man loved
because it’s clamored that he’s from royalty,
nor does one who lives like a king
have the merit of a courtly king.
And if your father were a peasant,
never for that reason would you be worth less.
In the heart of each man resides
the motive for him receiving contempt or honor.
It doesn’t come to him from any greater distance.
No one seeks from him any other witness.

{ Por Diu, le roi celestre,
que t[a]int a moi de vostre ancestre?
Je ne voi gaires home amer
por ce c’on l’ot roial clamer,
ne nul qui vive comme rois
ne vaille un roi, s’il est cortois;
et vostre pere soit vilains,
ja por ce ne vaurés vos mains.
A cascun en son cuer demore
por coi on l’aville u honore:
ne li vient mie de plus long;
on ne li quiert autre tesmong. }

Ganor was speaking of her own judgment of a man’s worth. Others sometimes treat with contempt men who have worthy hearts. Those men should be treated honorably. Nonetheless, whether those men are treated with contempt or with honor doesn’t change the worthiness of their hearts.

MIT Dance Workshop performance

In contrast to Galeron and Ganor appreciating the worth of men’s hearts, the narrator of Ille et Galeron voices anti-meninism. Over the past century, scholars on high speaking platforms have extensively discussed medieval anti-feminism.[3] Medieval anti-meninism has largely been obscured in scholarly silence, with discussion of this grave matter actively marginalized and suppressed. Simply reading aloud verses from Ille et Galeron can contribute to breaking the silence about medieval anti-meninism:

No man of low or high status
was then half as bold
as men are now.
Now a man presumes to have used a woman
before he has done forty days of courting her.
Because if he hasn’t used her within a week,
he will never visit her again.
One no longer sees lengthy keeping of love-seeking,
no longer is every man timid in speaking to a woman,
because if he encounters her denying his request,
then he goes again to seek the same elsewhere.
If he gets his desire, he doesn’t seek further.

{ Ne li bas home ne li haut
n’estoient mie lors si baut
com il sont ore la moitié:
or cuide il avoir esploitié
ains qu’il ait fait le quarentaine.
Car s’on n’esploite en la semaine,
ja n’i querra on puis venir.
On ne veut mais lonc plet tenir:
nus hom n’est mais coars del dire,
car se ce vient a l’escondire,
aillors revait querre autretel;
s’il a son bon, il ne quiert el. }[4]

Not all men are like that, neither in medieval Europe nor anywhere in the world today. The medieval women-heroes Galeron and Ganor appreciated the worth of men’s hearts. Resisting the elite anti-meninism now pressing down on everyone everywhere, you too should appreciate the worth of men’s hearts.

Men are unquestionably necessary for a thriving human society. Nonetheless, many men now feel over-worked, under-appreciated, disrespected, and even demonized. Historical injustice in the social construction of manhood has undermined men’s self-esteem. Today the world is suffering from an acute crisis in men’s self-esteem. It’s more of a global emergency than many of today’s other global emergencies. Government programs focused on improving men’s welfare are urgently needed. Much work remains to be done. Women’s active participation is vitally important. Women must do more to lessen men’s burdens, to make men feel respected, and to cherish men’s worthy hearts.

* * * * *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] Gautier d’Arras, Ille and Galeron {Ille et Galeron} vv. 4081-8, Old French text and English translation (modified) from Eley (1996). On Ille et Galeron, see note [1] in my post of Ille’s lack of self-esteem. For a freely available Old French edition, Lefèvre (1988).

Subsequent quotes above are similarly sourced from Ille et Galeron. They are vv. 4711-22 (By God, the king of Heaven…) and 1227-38 (No man of low or high status…).

[2] On faith and works in Christian life, see e.g. Romans 3:28, Ephesians 2:8-9, James 2:20, 26. In contrast to centuries of vigorous Christian debate about faith and works, men throughout history have commonly been thought to become men through their manly works.

[3] In disparaging medieval literature of men’s sexed protest, a eminent professor ominously referred to the “monstrous bulk of antifeminist literature in the Middle Ages.” Mann (1991) p. 2. In reality, medieval authors were cautious about protesting women’s ill treatment of men. They rightly feared punishment under women’s power.

[4] The anti-meninist diatribe that the narrator voices probably doesn’t reflect the author Gautier d’Arras’s personal opinion. Gautier was a sophisticated writer. He expressed keen understanding of men’s difficulties in love with women, from both critical and sympathetic orientations. Moreover, lamenting the rottenness of the current world, its imminent collapse, and moral decay relative to a golden age, are well-established motifs in medieval literature.

Ille himself nostalgically misunderstood chivalry. He declared:

Knights now joke about love
and turn everything into jesting.
Yet once chivalry was
by love first maintained
and was love’s protege and retainer,
and knights were fired by love’s spirit
to acquire honor and praise and renown.
That was its original occasion.

{ Chevalier gabent mais d’amors
et tornent tout a jouglerie;
si fu peruec cevalerie
par amors primes maintenue
et avoee et retenue,
et furent par amor espris
d’aquerre honor et los et pris;
ce fu l’ocoisons premeraine. }

Ille et Galeron, vv. 3915-22, sourced as above. Chivalry tragically evolved from men vigorously loving women into men’s prowess in violence against men. Love in truth requires lessening violence against men as much as possible.

[images] (1) Photo of MIT Dance Workshop performance, 1989. (2) Photo from the same performance.

References:

Eley, Penny, ed. and trans. 1996. Gautier d’Arras. Ille et Galeron. London: King’s College London, Centre for Late Antique & Medieval Studies.

Lefèvre, Yves, ed. 1988. Gautier d’Arras. Ille et Galéron. Les classiques français du Moyen Âge, 109. Paris: Champion. Available online via Base de français médiéval.

Mann, Jill. 1991. Apologies to Women: inaugural lecture delivered 20th November 1990. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

penal systems: Ovid on Silenus’s ass braying at Priapus

Penal systems around the world overwhelmingly punish persons with penises. That punishing gender bias deserves critical analysis. About two thousand years ago, the Roman poet Ovid told “a short tale of much jesting {multi fabula parva ioci}” concerning the god Priapus. At a divine bacchanal, Priapus allegedly attempted to rape the nymph Lotis, or perhaps the Roman national goddess Vesta, who was dear to Emperor Augustus. That’s no minor, jesting matter. These myths about Priapus point to deeply entrenched brutalization of men’s sexuality through corrupt penal systems.

Cybele or Vesta, great goddess of Rome

The divine bacchanal was an event regularly held in Greece every third year. Playful divinities of traditional religion brought ample wine to a grove near a stream. They reclined there on the grass to enjoy themselves. Lovely young women-nymphs were actively seducing participants:

Water nymphs, some not using a clip, have flowing hair,
while other of them present hair placed with artful hand.
One serves with tunic gathered above her calves,
another with ripped fold of her tunic shows her breast.
This one bares her shoulder. That one trails her skirt on the grass.
No binding shoes hinder their tender feet.

{ Naïdes effusis aliae sine pectinis usu,
pars aderant positis arte manuque comis:
illa super suras tunicam collecta ministrat,
altera dissuto pectus aperta sinu:
exserit haec umerum, vestem trahit illa per herbas,
impediunt teneros vincula nulla pedes. }[1]

Young male nature spirits and the goatish god Pan became sexually aroused. So too did the elderly god Silenus. Ovid disparaged him for his youthful sexual vitality:

Silenus of unextinguished lust, you too burn with passion.
It is wickedness that doesn’t permit you to be old.

{ te quoque, inexstinctae Silene libidinis, urunt:
nequitia est, quae te non sinit esse senem. }[2]

That’s conventional disparagement of men. Elderly men who retain their sexual vitality aren’t necessarily wicked. Silenus, who perhaps arrived uninvited, should be credited for continuing to participate in the divine bacchanal despite his old age.

Silenus and his ass, other divine beings, Priapus, and Lotis / Vesta at divine bacchanal

Priapus, a god of strong, independent sexuality, also participated in the divine bacchanal. He became enamored of the lovely young goddess Vesta. Late that night after much drinking, most of the divine beings fell sleep. Priapus stealthily approached the sleeping Vesta and uncovered her. Then Silenus’s young ass bellowed loudly. Everyone awoke, and Vesta pushed Priapus away. He suffered humiliation under the divine assembly’s gaze:

And the god Priapus, with his obscene part excessively prepared for sex,
was the laughter of all in the light of the moon.

{ at deus obscena nimium quoque parte paratus
omnibus ad lunae lumina risus erat. }

While farting at a divine event is comic, a man’s erect penis isn’t obscene. Ridiculing a man for the functioning of his penis contributes to the epic disaster of men’s impotence. Ovid understood the need to transform epic violence against men into myths of humane complexity.

Ovid misleadingly explained why an ass is regularly sacrificed to Priapus. Ovid implied that the people of Lampascus approved of Priapus allegedly attempting to rape Vesta:

The people of Lampsacus are accustomed to sacrifice this animal to Priapus.
They sing, “We rightly give to the flames the innards of the betrayer.”

{ Lampsacus hoc animal solita est mactare Priapo
“apta” canens “flammis indicis exta damus.” }

While women raping men has been a matter of laughter throughout history, men raping women has long been regarded as a serious crime. It’s implausible that the people of Lampsacus would condemn and victimize an ass for protecting a woman from being raped.

Ovid ironically undermined his claim that the people of Lampsacus sacrifice an ass to Priapus because an ass betrayed Priapus’s attempt to rape Vesta. In his alternate myth of Priapus’s attempted rape, Ovid provided a different, more diffuse aetiology for the ass sacrifice:

A young ass is killed for the erect custodian of the countryside.
The reason is indeed shameful, but such is apt for the god Priapus.

{ caeditur et rigido custodi ruris asellus;
causa pudenda quidem, sed tamen apta deo. }

Sacrificing an ass because it sought to prevent a rape would be shameful. But the analogous shame associated with Priapus isn’t perversion of criminal justice, such as the current shameful gender bias in penal punishment. The shameful reason apt for the god Priapus must be some other reason.

Ancient myth provides reasons for sacrificing asses to Priapus. Eratosthenes of Cyrene’s Star-Placings {Καταστερισμοί}, compiled in the third century BGC, is associated with a story about Dionysus’s gift to an ass:

Some also say that Dionysus granted a human voice to an ass who had carried him. The ass later contended with Priapus about the penis. The ass was defeated and killed by him.

{ Nonnulli etiam dixerunt asino illi, quo fuerit vectus, vocem humanam dedisse. Itaque eum postea cum Priapo contendisse de natura et victum ab eo interfectum. }[3]

This story suggests that the penis functions as a weapon to defeat and kill. Men’s penises have been historically so brutalized. Sacrificing an ass to Priapus could commemorate Priapus’s victory in that brutal penal contest. Such a victory commemoration, similar to Octavian’s for his victory at Actium, wouldn’t be interpreted as shameful within its classical cultural context. It thus could not be the shameful sacrificial reason that Ovid indicated.

Marble votive relief dedicated to Vesta

The fourth-century Christian author Lactantius, explicitly drawing on ancient myth associated with Aratus of Soli’s Phaenomena {Φαινόμενα}, plausibly provides Ovid’s shameful reason. Lactantius describes Dionysus as rewarding a helpful ass by giving it the power of speech. Lactantius then tells of contention between the ass and Priapus:

Between Priapus and the ass arose a contest about the size of their obscene organs. Priapus was defeated, and in anger he killed the winner. … Thus because a donkey has a penis of enormous size, a more apt victim could not be ordained to be acquired than one that could imitate the god to whom it is sacrificed.

{ inter eum, Priapumque ortum esse certamen de obsceni magnitudine: Priapum victum et iratum interemisse victorem. … Ita in hoc quia magnitudo membri virilis enormis est, non potuit ei monstro aptior victima reperiri quam quae posset ipsum cui mactatur imitari. }[4]

In this mythic account, the ass, not Priapus, is victorious in the penis-size competition.[5] The despondent loser Priapus then killed the winning ass. Lactantius’s reference to similarity in determining the sacrifice is shaped as Christian ridicule of traditional Greco-Roman religion, particularly in the context of a contest over differing penis sizes. But Lactantius’s reference to penis size at least focuses on the central concern. The people of Lampsacus appeased the shamefully jealous Priapus. They did so by sacrificing to him asses with their superior-sized penises. That’s plausibly Ovid’s shameful reason for sacrificing asses to Priapus. Ovid, with his keen psychological insight, used shameful reason to allude to Priapus’s jealousy over the ass’s larger penis.

Ovid ironically disparaging sacrifice to the jealous Priapus participates in a marginalized current of critical penal thought. According to Hebrew scripture, the assembly of the United Kingdom of Israel petitioned King Rehoboam to lighten their service to him. Old men advised King Rehoboam to speak pleasant words to the petitioners. But the young men who were King Rehoboam companions advised him to say:

My little finger is thicker than my father’s cock. Although my father imposed on you a heavy yoke, now I will add to your yoke. My father disciplined you with whips, but I will discipline you with scorpions.

[6]{ קָֽטָנִּי עָבָה מִמָּתְנֵי אָבִֽי׃
וְעַתָּה אָבִי הֶעְמִיס עֲלֵיכֶם עֹל כָּבֵד וַאֲנִי אוֹסִיף
עַֽל־עֻלְּכֶם אָבִי יִסַּר אֶתְכֶם בַּשּׁוֹטִים וַאֲנִי אֲיַסֵּר אֶתְכֶם
בָּעַקְרַבִּֽים׃}

The ignorant braggadocio of Rehoboam’s young companions implicitly associated a bigger penis with harsher punishment. Rehoboam foolishly said these words to the people of Israel. He was the son of King Solomon and the grandson of King David. Both Solomon and David had passionately realized God’s seminal blessing, sometimes even in wrongful ways. Yet the wrong of their passionate inseminating was far less damaging than Rehoboam’s penal brutalization. Rehoboam’s ignorant words led to seventeen years of civil war between the northern tribes of Israel and Judah.[7] Hundreds of thousands of men undoubtedly were killed in the violence against men. Associating men’s penises with punishment led to killing many bearers of seminal blessing.

Men refusing to perform sexually is associated with them being subject to penal pain. A third-century historian of ancient Greek philosophy recorded a telling story about the philosopher Xenocrates:

One time, they say, the courtesan Phryne wanted to test him. So when she found herself being chased by some men, she sought refuge at his little cottage. Out of sheer compassion, he let her come in. Since there was only one little bed, he let her share it with him when she asked. Finally, despite her persistent efforts, she got up and left without accomplishing anything. She would tell anyone who asked that the one she had left behind was not a man but a statue. Some say his students arranged for Laïs to go to bed with him, and how he had such great self-control that he endured frequent incisions and cautery around his genitals.

{ ποτε καὶ Φρύνην τὴν ἑταίραν ἐθελῆσαι πειρᾶσαι αὐτόν, καὶ δῆθεν διωκομένην ὑπό τινων καταφυγεῖν εἰς τὸ οἰκίδιον. τὸν δὲ ἕνεκα τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου εἰσδέξασθαι, καὶ ἑνὸς ὄντος κλινιδίου δεομένῃ μεταδοῦναι τῆς κατακλίσεως· καὶ τέλος πολλὰ ἐκλιπαροῦσαν ἄπρακτον ἀναστῆναι. λέγειν τε πρὸς τοὺς πυνθανομένους ὡς οὐκ ἀπ’ ἀνδρός, ἀλλ’ ἀπ’ ἀνδριάντος ἀνασταίη. ἔνιοι δὲ Λαΐδα φασὶ παρακατακλῖναι αὐτῷ τοὺς μαθητάς· τὸν δὲ οὕτως εἶναι ἐγκρατῆ ὥστε καὶ τομὰς καὶ καύσεις πολλάκις ὑπομεῖναι περὶ τὸ αἰδοῖον. }[8]

Phryne and Laïs were sex workers whom many men valued highly. Like Silenus’s ass allegedly did for Vesta, Xenocrates apparently prevented Phryne from being sexually assaulted. He also exerted astonishing self-control in bed with the sexually eager Phryne and Laïs. King David showed similar self-restrain in bed with the lovely and warm young woman Abishag. Men are not dogs. Yet the remarkable restraint of Xenocrates is associated with painful treatment of his genitals. This anecdote suggests that men’s genitals need to be treated painfully in order for men to have self-control.

Did Priapus attempt to rape the nymph Lotis, or the Roman national goddess Vesta, or both, only to be prevented in either or both cases by the braying of Silenus’s ass? Reading Ovid’s text as depicting Priapus as a serial rapist of Lotis and then Vesta is ridiculously obtuse.[9] Even describing Priapus as a rapist is best understood as echoing the gender ideology of penal systems. Sophisticated Priapus poems questioned brutalizing stereotypes of male sexual aggression. Ovid, who personally experienced unjust penal action, played with the willingness of readers to imagine Priapus as a rapist even within circumstances of radically inconsistent and implausible myths. Sacrificing a well-endowed, living male ass to the imaginary god Priapus represents the incoherent, shamefully destructive effects of brutalizing men’s sexuality.[10]

Penal systems, which aren’t truly justice systems, must be abolished. The criminalization of “seduction” must end. Rape must be prosecuted without gender discrimination and with equal concern for men being raped. Men’s lack of self-esteem is leading to societal collapse amid failures to do home repair and to maintain critical public infrastructure, including the infrastructure of public reason. A well-endowed male ass is a majestic animal that shouldn’t be senselessly sacrificed. Societies that demonize men, yet lack persons with the will to squish ugly creepy crawling insects, will not long endure.

Go ahead and laugh, or fume. Emperor Augustus pressured Roman men to marry. Augustus had statues of the husband-killing Danaids placed in front of Rome’s temple of Palatine Apollo. Ovid didn’t deserve to be exiled or castrated.

Don’t live in a world of myths.[11] A man’s penis isn’t an instrument of punishment. The worth of a man is determined by the quality of his heart, not the size of his penis.

* * * * *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] Ovid, Calendar {Fasti} 1.405-10, Latin text from Frazer (1931), my English translation, benefiting from that of id. Kline (2004) is an alternate, freely available English translation of Ovid’s Fasti. Boxus & Poucet (2004) is a freely available French translation.

Ovid’s account of Priapus attempting to rape the nymph Lotis occurs at Fasti 1.391-438 (within entry for January 9). Ovid refers to Lotis fleeing from Priapus and metamorphosing into a lotus flower in Metamorphoses 9.345-8. Ovid’s myth of Priapus attempting to rape the goddess Vesta occurs at Fasti 6.319-348 (entry for June 9). The significance of the Fasti’s mythic doublet about Priapus is a matter of considerable scholarly controversy.

Subsequent quotes from Fasti are similarly sourced. The previous short quote above, “short tale of much jesting,” is from Fasti 6.320. The subsequent Fasti quotes above are vv. 1.413-4 (Silenus of unextinguished lust…), 1.438-8 (And the god Priapus, with his obscene part…), 6.345-6 (The people of Lampsacus…), 1.391-2 (A young ass is killed…).

[2] Sexual jealousy in the disparagement of Silenus is evident in a servant’s description of Labrax, a pimp in Plautus’s The Rope {Rudens}:

Have you seen any
old man with a bald forehead like Silenus, good-sized, with a big belly,
with twisted eyebrows, a scowling forehead, a swindler,
an object of hate to gods and men, evil and full of evil, vice, and disgrace,
who was taking with him two rather lovely women?

{ ecquem
recaluom ad Silanum senem, statutum, uentriosum,
tortis superciliis, contracta fronte, fraudulentum,
deorum odium atque hominum, malum, mali uiti probrique plenum,
qui duceret mulierculas duas secum satis uenustas? }

Plautus, Rudens vv. 316p-320, Latin text and English translation (modified insubstantially) from De Melo (2012).

In the fourth century, the Christian scholar Paul of Concordia lived to be one hundred years old. Jerome attributed Paul’s longevity to Paul’s righteousness. Moreover, Jerome depicted the elderly Paul as a vigorous, healthful man:

Your eyes are keen and bright, your step vigorous, your hearing fully functioning, your teeth white, your voice melodious, and your body firm and full of sap. Your ruddy complexion contrasts with your white hairs. Your strength remains despite your age.

{ oculi puro lumine vigent, pedes inprimunt certa vestigia, auditus penetrabilis, dentes candidi, vox canora, corpus solidum et suci plenum. cani cum rubore discrepant, virtus cum aetate dissentit. }

Jerome, Letters {Epistolae} 10, “To the old man Paul of Concordia {Ad Paulum senem Concordiae},” section 2, Latin text from Hilberg (1910-18), my English translation, benefiting from those of Carroll (1956) and Freemantle (1892). Jerome wrote this letter in 374 GC in seeking to borrow books from Paul and sending him Jerome’s Life of Paul.

[3] Hyginus, About Astronomy {De Astronomica} 2.23, Latin text from Viré (1992) via Garani (2021) p. 463, English translation (modified slightly) from Hard (2015) p. 67. Here are myths of Dionysus in English translation. Some, but not all, scholars think that the author of De Astronomica was Augustan librarian C. Iulius Hyginus. Robinson (2013) p. 448.

De Astronomica drew upon earlier astronomical works: “we find much Eratosthenic material in the De Astronomia of Hyginus.” Robinson (2013) p. 448. Eratosthenes of Cyrene was poet-scholar of the third-century BGC. His Star-Placings {Catasterismi / Καταστερισμοί}, an Eratosthenic source for De Astronomica, apparently was an open textual corpus. Eratosthenes may not have composed it as a complete work. Catasterismi is closely associated with Aratus of Soli’s Phaenomena {Φαινόμενα} in surviving manuscripts. Catasterismi seems to have been written as a mythological companion to Phaenomena.

Scholia on Germanicus’s Latin translation of Aratus’s Phaenomena attributes the story of Priapus and the ass to the Alexandrian tragic poet Philiscos / Philiscus. Philiscus of Corcyra was an eminent playwright who flourished early in the third century BGC. The story of Priapus presumably was derived from one of Philiscus’s satyr plays. That satyr play could have been a source for the story in Catasterismi. Hard (2015) p. 68; Garani (2021) p. 466. The Germanicus scholia further state: “Priapos wanted to kill the ass after the contest, but Dionysos snatched it to safety, substituting another, and then placed both of them in the sky.” Hard (2015) p. 69.

The story of Priapus and the ass explains a constellation identified as a Manger with Crab and two Asses. Aratus stated:

Observe also the Manger. Like a slight haze in the north, it leads the year in company with the Crab. On either side of it move two faintly shining stars, not at all far apart and not very close, but as far as the approximate estimate of an ell. One comes on the north side, the other on the south. Now these are called the Asses, and between them is the Manger. If suddenly, when the sky is clear all over, it disappears completely, and the stars that go on either side appear close to each other, then the fields are drenched with no mean storm. If the Manger would darken and the two stars be at the same time recognisable, they will be giving a sign of rain. If the one to the north of the Manger shines faintly, being slightly hazy, and the southern Ass is bright, expect wind from the south. And wind from the north you must certainly look for if the hazy and the bright stars are the other way round.

{ σκέπτεο καὶ φάτνην. ἡ μέν τ’ ὀλίγηι εἰκυῖα
ἀχλύι βορραίη ὑπὸ καρκίνωι ἡγηλάζει,
ἀμφὶ δέ μιν δύο λεπτὰ φαεινόμενοι φορέονται
ἀστέρες, οὔτε τι πολλὸν ἀπήοροι οὔτε μάλ’ ἐγγύς,
ἀλλ’ ὅσσον τε μάλιστα πυγούσιον ὠίσασθαι,
εἷς μὲν πὰρ βορέαο, νότωι δ’ ἐπικέκλιται ἄλλος.
καὶ τοὶ μὲν καλέονται ὄνοι, μέσση δέ τε φάτνη,
ἥ τε κεἰ ἐξαπίνης πάντη διὸς εὐδιόωντος
γίνετ’ ἄφαντος ὅλη, τοὶ δ’ ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἰόντες
ἀστέρες ἀλλήλων ἀυτοσχεδὸν ἰνδάλλονται,
οὐκ ὀλίγωι χειμῶνι τότε κλύζονται ἄρουραι.
εἰ δὲ μελαίνηται, τοὶ δ’ αὐτίκ’ ἐοικότες ὦσιν
ἀστέρες ἀμφότεροι, ἐπί χ’ ὕδατι σημαίνοιεν.
εἰ δ’ ὁ μὲν ἐκ βορέω φάτνης ἀμενηνὰ φαείνοι
λεπτὸν ἐπαχλύων, νότιος δ’ ὄνος ἀγλαὸς εἴη,
δειδέχθαι ἀνέμοιο νότου, βορέω δὲ μάλα χρὴ
ἔμπαλιν ἀχλυόεντι φαεινομένωι τε δοκεύειν. }

Aratus of Soli, Phaenomena {Φαινόμενα} vv. 892-908, Greek text and English translation (modified insubstantially for ease of reading) from Kidd (1997) pp. 138-9. I’ve taken the Greek text from the freely available online edition of Martin (1998), which doesn’t appear to differ substantially from Kidd’s text for these verses. Mair & Mair (1921) provides a freely available English translation.

Theocritus, Idyll 22.21-2 refers to Aratus concerning the Manger, Crab, and Asses. Kidd (1997) p. 41. A tripartite constellation that under certain conditions produces a rainstorm is a plausible figure for male genitals.

[4] Lactantius / Lucius Caecilius Firmianus, Divine Institutes {Institutiones Divinae} 1.21.28, 30, Latin text from Brandt & Laubnamm (1890), my English translation, benefiting from those of McDonald (1964) and Bowen & Garnsey (2003). Subsequent quotes from Institutiones Divinae are similarly sourced. In Institutiones Divinae 1.21.25-6, Lactantius explicitly referred to the Fasti and recited Ovid’s explanation of why the people of Lampsacus sacrifices asses to Priapus. Lactantius then commented:

What is uglier, what is more outrageous, than if Vesta is a virgin by the favor of an ass?

{ Quid turpius? quid flagitiosius? quam si Vesta beneficio asini uirgo est? }

Institutiones Divinae 1.21.27. Prefacing his account of Priapus contesting with the ass over penis size, Lactantius explicitly cited Aratus’s Phaenomena:

The authors of the Phaenomena have written, when in speaking of the two stars of the Crab, which the Greeks call asses, that they were asses that father Liber rode across a river when he could not himself cross it, and so as a reward gave one of them a human voice

{ Φαινόμενα conscripserunt, cum de duabus Cancri stellis loquuntur, quas Graeci ὄνους vocant asellos fuisse, qui Liberum patrem transuexerint, cum amnem transire non posset; quorum alteri hoc praemium dederit, ut humana voce loqueretur }

Institutiones Divinae 1.21.28. Liber is another name for Bacchus, a Roman assimilation of the Greek god Dionysus.

[5] While correctly quoting both Hyginus’s and Lactantius’s accounts of the outcomes of the contest between Priapus and the ass, Garani didn’t note the difference in outcomes. In summarizing Hyginus’s account, he reported the outcome in Lactantius’s account: “Priapus is defeated and so kills the ass.” Garani (2021) p. 463.

[6] 1 Kings 12:10-11, ancient Hebrew text from the Masoretic Text via Blue Letter Bible, English translation drawing upon widely available translations.

[7] On continual war between Jeroboam and Rehoboam, 1 Kings 14:21, 14:30. With respect to Solomon’s and David’s ardent inseminating, Solomon had seven hundred wives and three hundred concubines. 1 Kings 11:3. The extent of Solomon’s relationship with the Queen of Sheba isn’t clear. 1 Kings 10:13. David had seven wives, perhaps additional concubines, and many children. 1 Chronicles 3:1-9. David committed adultery with Bathsheba and sent her husband Uriah the Hittite to death in institutionalized violence against men (war). 2 Samuel 11. David subsequently repented of this terrible wrong. 1 Samuel 12:13.

[8] Diogenes Laertius, Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers {Βίοι καὶ γνῶμαι τῶν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ εὐδοκιμησάντων}, 4.2.7 (from life of Xenocrates {Ξενοκράτης}), ancient Greek text from Long (1964), English translation (modified insubstantially) from White (2021). The current best ancient Greek text is Dorandi (2013), which isn’t readily available to me. Hicks (1925) provides a freely available Greek text and English translation.

White (2021) translated τομὰς as “surgery.” Mensch (2018) has “incisions.” Since the treatment wasn’t for a specific bodily ailment, the latter seems to me preferable in context. With respect to this treatment, Mensch noted:

Cutting and burning were standard medical treatments for various inflammations and discharges; it’s unlikely Xenocrates used these procedures as aids to self-restraint, as Diogenes assumes.

Id. p. 132, n. 17. Diogenes probably copied this aspect of the story from a source that associated physical harm to men’s genitals with sexual restraint.

Diogenes Laertius flourished in the third century GC. The story of Phryne attempting to seduce Xenocrates also occurs in Valerius Maximus‘s early first-century Nine Books of Memorable Deeds and Sayings {Factorum ac dictorum memorabilium libri IX} 4.3 ext. 3a.

Xenocrates lived from 396 to 313 BGC and was the head of Plato’s academy from 339 to 314 BGC. The courtesan Phryne of Thespiae, who became one of the most wealthy women in ancient Greece, similarly lived in the middle of the fourth century BGC. The eminent courtesans Lais of Corinth and Lais of Hyccara apparently were alive in the late fifth century and early fourth century, respectively. They may have been the same woman. If Xenocrates’s students arranged for Lais of Hyccara to sleep with him, she was probably very old at the time. Of course, other courtesans had an incentive to adopt the name Lais given its association with an illustrious courtesan.

[9] With respect to the Priapus double myth in Ovid’s Fasti, a literary scholar observed:

the order in the poem of these two anecdotes conjures up a risible picture of Priapus not having learnt his lesson, trying exactly the same kind of furtive approach to a sleeping female yet again, and being foiled in exactly the same way yet again (why didn’t the idiot check for the ass and remove it, one wonders).

Murgatroyd (2002) p. 623. Murgatroyd went on to interpret the second version as a display of literary ingenuity. Id. But classicists have also interpreted the Priapus double myth in terms of the sensational seriousness of serial rape:

Ovid here highlights an element of Priapus’s essential nature, namely, serial rape. Ancient religious thought imagined Priapus as the embodiment, literally, of constant and unfulfilled male sexual desire and as a god who sought sexual fulfillment continually.

Frazel (2003) p. 64. Seeking sexual fulfillment continually doesn’t, however, imply serial rape, nor serial rape being part of a god’s “essential nature.” The claim that “ancient religious thought imagined Priapus as the embodiment, literally…” shows remarkable conceptual confusion. Thought imagining? Literally? Imagine! Who knew? Say it again to make it true: “serial rape is a part of this god’s essential nature.” Id. p. 93. As long as essentialist literary scholarship is criminalizing men or male gods, it’s welcomed in today’s academia. Id. is literally about “joking discourse.” Mass incarceration of men such as exists in the U.S. today is no joke. An elaborate web of myth provided a glittering cover for Augustan rule, just as it does now for penal systems predominately punishing persons with penises.

[10] Frazel declared:

Perhaps nothing delighted Roman men more than seeing Priapus himself, the embodiment (literally) of male sexual aggression, degraded and humiliated.

Frazel (2003) p. 76. More likely, Frazel is projecting onto Roman men today’s dominant ideology of righteous sexual desire. If Ovid depicted women acting as wickedly as he depicts men acting, today’s classicists would superficially dismiss Ovid as a misogynist. Some scholars do that in any case.

Modern scholarship has responded to Ovid’s critical construction of myths with parochial, ignorant, and sensational interpretation. For example, about the time that U.S. incarceration incidence began moving toward historical unprecedented mass incarceration, a U.S. classicist produced what has been called “one of the definitive pieces of scholarship on the Metamorphoses.” Johnson (2016) on Richlin (1992). In a 2014 reprinting of that enormously influential scholarly article, Richlin added an introduction that began:

Marilyn Skinner became my co-conspirator and inspiration in the early 1980s, when she was teaching at Northern Illinois University. In 1985 I experienced the hospitality of DeKalb, Illinois, at first hand, and Marilyn, ever keen to clue me in, took me to see a screening of a new documentary, “Not a Love Story,” which focused on the exploitation of women in the sex industry and on the objectification of the female body in popular culture. This film moved me to tears; it is easy now to shelve the preoccupation of late-1980s feminism with rape and pornography under the label “Sex Wars,” easy to diminish it under an historical label — over, a phase — but my tears sprang from the recent death of a friend who had been raped and murdered, and I do not think the abuse of women is over.

Richlin (2014) p. 130. In 1985, the FBI by crime definition restricted the crime of rape to mean only rape of females. Rape of men literally didn’t count. Men nonconsensually being made to penetrate a woman still doesn’t count as rape in FBI and other U.S. national rape statistics. Moreover, four times more men than women are murdered in the U.S., yet violence against men is nowhere near as much of a social concern as violence against women. That gender context is utterly lacking in Richlin’s original 1992 article and its new 2014 introduction. Instead one encounters the power of women’s tears. “I do not think the abuse of women is over.” When will the abuse of men be over? Richlin’s article interprets Ovid’s Metamorphoses in a way that promotes the dominant, gynocentric, mythic hierarchy of victimization. Her article seems to me to brutalize men, contribute to mass incarceration of men, and promote systemic sexism against men. Classics as a field should reject gender bigotry and be welcoming and inclusive of meninist literary criticism. Instead, the prestige hierarchy of classics has promoted decades of tendentious myth-mongering in the tradition of Richlin (1992).

[11] Scholars have considered Ovid’s implicit political criticism in the double myths of Priapus in Fasti. One scholarly acknowledged suspicion that involving Vesta in “phallic tomfoolery” carries a serious message. Barchiesi (1997) pp. 138-40. Another perceived political disenchantment in Ovid’s substitution of Vesta for Lotis in the second Priapus myth. Newlands (1995) Chapter 4. A third argued that with the Priapus / Vesta myths Ovid metaphorically presented Augustus as raping Vesta. McKay (2016). None of these authors consider the penal significance of multiplying myths of men raping women.

[images] (1) Cybele or Vesta, the great goddess ruling ancient Rome. Excerpt from the title page of the second volume of Georg Braun & Franz Hogenberg, About the preeminent cities of the whole world {De precipuis, totius universi urbibus}, published in six volumes between 1572 and 1618 in Cologne. Source image from Stanford University, Stanford Digital Repository, The Barry Lawrence Ruderman Map Collection. Also on Wikimedia Commons. The shrine of Vesta in ancient Rome held the sacred “eternal fire {ignes aeternum},” the Palladium of Pallas Athena, and the Penantes (the household gods of the Roman state). (2) “The Feast of the Gods”: Silenus and his ass, other divine beings, Priapus, and Lotis / Vesta at the divine bacchanal. The two figures nearest the right edge of the painting are typically identified as Silenus and Lotis. But the woman could also be a shocking representation of Vesta. Painted by Giovanni Bellini (1514), Dosso Dossi, and Titian (1529) for the Alabaster Chamber of Alfonso I d’Este. Via Wikimedia Commons. (3) Marble votive relief dedicated to Vesta. Made in Rome, c 140-150 GC. Preserved in Altes Museum (Berlin, Germany). Source image thanks to Osama Shukir Muhammed Amin FRCP(Glasg) and Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Barchiesi, Alessandro. 1997. The Poet and the Prince: Ovid and Augustan discourse. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. English translation, with revisions, of Il Poeta e il Principe Ovido e il Discorso Augusteo (1994). Review by Karl Galinsky.

Bowen, Anthony, and Peter Garnsey, trans. 2003. Lactantius: Divine Institutes. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

Boxus, Anne-Marie, and Jacques Poucet, trans. 2004. Ovide — Les Fastes. With Notes. Online.

Brandt, Samuel, and Georg Laubnamm, eds. 1890. Lactantius. Opera Omnia. Pars I. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Volume 19. Vienna, Prague, Leipzig.

Carroll, Paul, trans. 1956. The Satirical letters of St. Jerome. Chicago: Gateway Editions, distributed by H. Regnery Co.

De Melo, Wolfgang, ed. and trans. 2012. Plautus. The Little Carthaginian. Pseudolus. The Rope. Loeb Classical Library 260. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Dorandi, Tiziano, ed. 2013. Diogenes Laertius. Lives of Eminent Philosophers. Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries, vol. 50. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Frazel, Thomas D. 2003. “Priapus’s Two Rapes in Ovid’s Fasti.” Arethusa. 36 (1): 61–97.

Frazer, James George, ed. and trans. 1931. Ovid. Fasti. Loeb Classical Library, 253. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Freemantle, William Henry, trans. 1892.  The Principal Works of St. Jerome.  Philip Schaff, ed. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2nd Series, vol. 6. Oxford: Parker.

Garani, Myrto. 2021. “Ovid and the Ass (Fast. 1.391-440, 6.319-46).” ΦΑΙΔΙΜΟΣ ΕΚΤΩΡ: Studi in Onore Di Willy Cingano Per Il Suo 70° Compleanno. Antichistica 31 / Filologia e letteratura 4: 457-475.

Hard, Robin, trans. 2015. Eratosthenes and Hyginus: Constellation Myths with Aratus’s Phaenomena. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Review by Colin Leach.

Hicks, Robert Drew, trans. 1925. Diogenes Laertius. Lives of Eminent Philosophers. Loeb Classical Library, 184 and 185. London: W. Heinemann. LCL 184 (books 1-5), LCL 185 (books 6-10). Alternate presentation of English translation.

Hilberg, Isidorus, ed. 1910-1918. Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae {Letters of Saint Eusebius Hieronymus (Jerome)}. Vindobonae: Tempsky. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (CSEL) 54 (Epistulae 1-70), 55 (Epistulae 71-120), and 56 (Epistulae 120-154).

Johnson, Marguerite. 2016. “Guide to the classics: Ovid’s Metamorphoses and reading rape.” The Conversation. Online.

Kidd, Douglas, ed. and trans. 1997. Aratus. Phaenomena. Cambridge U.K: Cambridge University Press. Review by Mark Possanza.

Kline, A. S. 2004. Ovid. Fasti. Poetry in Translation. Online.

Long, H. S, ed. 1964. Diogenis Laertii Vitae Philosophorum. Oxford Classical Text series. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Mair, A. W. and G.R. Mair, ed. and trans. 1921. Callimachus and Lycophron; Aratus. Loeb Classical Library 129. London: William Heinemann. Alternate presentation of Aratus’s Phaenomena in ancient Greek text and English translation.

Martin, Jean, ed. 1998. Aratos, Phénomènes. Paris: Les Belles Lettres.

McDonald, Mary Francis, trans. 1964. Lactantius. The Divine Institutes. Books I-VII. The Fathers of the Church: A New Translation. Volume 49. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press.

McKay, Abigail. 2016. Rape or Romance? Sexual Violence and the Lust for Power in Ovid’s Fasti. M.A. Thesis in Classics, University of Tasmanian.

Mensch, Pamela, trans. 2018. Diogenes Laertius. Lives of Eminent Philosophers. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Murgatroyd, Paul. 2002. “The Rape Attempts on Lotis and Vesta.” The Classical Quarterly. 52 (2): 622-624.

Newlands, Carole E. 1995. Playing with Time: Ovid and the Fasti. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Reviews by Anne Gosling and by Geraldine Herbert-Brown.

Richlin, Amy. 1992. “Reading Ovid’s Rapes.” Pp. 158-179 in Amy Richlin, ed. Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Richlin, Amy. 2014. “Reading Ovid’s Rapes.” Chapter 5 (pp. 130-165) in Amy Richlin, ed. Arguments with Silence: Writing the History of Roman Women. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Reprinting, with new introduction, of Richlin (1992).

Robinson, Matthew. 2013. “Ovid and the Catasterismi of Eratosthenes.” American Journal of Philology. 134 (3): 445–80.

Viré, Ghislaine, ed. 1992. Hygini De Astronomia. Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner.

White, Stephen. 2021. Diogenes Laertius. Lives of Eminent Philosophers: an edited translation. Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press. Review by Anthony Hejduk and by Christopher Moore.

forgiveness for men who castrate themselves under false religion

False religion has supported historically entrenched castration culture. Seeking to be righteous, believing that they must perform good deeds to be virtuous, men have destroyed their seminal blessing. When men act under false religion and castrate themselves like Galli servants to the mother goddess, they do grave wrong. Nonetheless, the ancient Acts of John, a popular work conveying the teachings of Jesus through his apostle John, shows that humble, godly repentance can redeem persons from horrible crimes — murder, necrophilia, and even delusional self-castration.

In the fourth century, the classically learned Roman Christian author Lactantius denounced horrors of castration within a society enthralled to false religion. After describing the sacrifice of two hundred children to the god Saturn, Lactantius declared:

men worshiping false god

In comparison to that type of offerings, no less insane must be judged other public offerings. One of them is to the Great Mother. In that rite, men propitiate with their own masculine genitals, and so by amputation make themselves neither men nor women. Other priests of the cult of Virtus, also called Bellona, sacrifice not others’ blood but their own. With their upper arms cut and waving drawn swords in either hand, they run around, are carried out, and become insane. Quintilian in his Fanatic said it best: “If a god wants those offerings, he’s angry!” Are these not also offerings? Is it not more satisfying to live in the manner of cattle than to revere gods so impious, so profane, and so bloody?

{ Ab isto genere sacrorum non minoris insaniae iudicanda sunt publica illa sacra, quorum alia sunt Matris, in quibus homines suis ipsi uirilibus litant — amputato enim sexu nec uiros se nec feminas faciunt — alia Virtutis, quam eandem Bellonam uocant, in quibus ipsi sacerdotes non alieno, sed suo cruore sacrificant. Sectis namque umeris et utraque manu districtos gladios exerentes currunt, ecferuntur insaniunt. Optime igitur Quintilianus in Fanatico, “Istud,” inquit, “si Deus cogit, iratus est.” Etiamne haec sacra sunt? Nonne satius est pecudum more uiuere quam deos tam inpios, tam profanos, tam sanguinarios colere? }[1]

Recognizing the true God’s seminal blessing, Lactantius referred to a man’s genitals as “the most sacred part of his body {sanctissima … corporis sui pars}.” Moreover, Lactantius didn’t pathologize men’s ardent love for women, but counseled moderation:

The Stoics therefore are mad. They seek not moderation of emotions, but their removal. The Stoics want in a way to castrate a man from things that he is by nature. It is just as if they should wish to withdraw fear from stags, poison from snakes, fierceness from wild beasts, or placidity from cattle.

{ Stoici ergo furiosi, qui ea non temperant, sed abscidunt rebusque natura insitis castrare hominem quodammodo uolunt. quod tale est, quale si uelint aut metum detrahere ceruis aut uenenum anguibus aut iram feris aut placiditatem pecudibus. }

Men’s genitals historically have been brutalized and disparaged. Jewish and Christian scriptures in contrast humanistically appreciate men’s genitals and the social value of men’s sexuality.

The second-century Christian Acts of John tells of sexually desperate men and forgiveness in the shocking story of Drusiana, Andronicus, and Callimachus. Andronicus was a general and a leading resident of Ephesus. After becoming a Christian, his wife Drusiana refused to have further sexual relations with him. Infuriated, Andronicus locked Drusiana in a tomb and declared that she either had to resume having sex with him, or die. She preferred to die. Andronicus surely felt in relation to his wife even more humiliated than Margery Kempe’s husband.

Drusiana was stronger than her husband, the eminent general Andronicus. She persuaded him to become a godly Christian and to accept sexless marriage to her. He then released her from the tomb. They both rose to new life as Christian spouses living together like sister and brother.

The leading Ephesian Callimachus subsequently burned with passion for Drusiana. She, who would not even have sex with her husband, refused to commit adultery. But she sympathized with the suffering of the lovesick Callimachus. She felt that she had become a stumbling block to him on his way to understanding true Christian love.[2] She thus prayed that she go to God from this earthly life. Sorrowing for Callimachus’s suffering in lovesickness, she soon died.

Callimachus refused to be defeated by death. He bribed Andronicus’s steward Fortunatus to take him inside Drusiana’s tomb so that he could rape her dead body. When they had undressed Drusiana’s body so that it was wearing only her shift, a serpent appeared. It killed Fortunatus. Then it coiled around Callimachus’s feet and caused him to fall. The serpent, typically associated with Satan, saved Drusiana from Callimachus’s necrophilia.

The next day, the apostle John, Andronicus, and other Christians went to Drusiana’s tomb to celebrate Mass for her. There they saw Drusiana’s open coffin, her body stripped down to her shift, and the bodies of Callimachus and Fortunatus. John raised Callimachus from the dead so that he could confess his horrific crime. Callimachus explained and begged:

When my soul was seized with mad passion and the incurable disease was troubling me, when I had already robbed her of the grave-clothes with which she was dressed, I went from the grave to put them down, as you see. I turned back to perpetrate the abominable deed. Then I saw a beautiful youth covering her with this cloak. Rays of light fell from his face upon her face. He also turned to me and said, “Callimachus, die so that you may live.” Who it was, servant of God, I knew not. Since you have come here, I know now that it was an angel of God. This I truly know — that you preach the true God. I am sure of it. But I pray that you act so that I may be delivered from this fate and this dreadful crime. Bring me to your God as a man who has gone astray in scandalous, abominable deceit. On my knees I ask for your help.

{ ὅτε μου ἡ ψυχὴ παρεῖχεν ἔννοια καὶ ἡ ἀκατάσχετος νόσος διώχλει, ἀποσυλήσαντός μου ἤδη ἅπερ ἦν ἠμφιεσμένη ἐντάφια, εἶτα δὲ ἀποβάντος μου τοῦ τάφου καὶ θεμένου μου αὐτὰ ὡς ὁρᾷς, ἀπῆλθον πάλιν ἐπὶ τῷ ἀποτροπαίῳ ἔργῳ· καὶ ὁρῶ τινα νεανίσκον εὔμορφον περισκέποντα αὐτὴν τῷ ἑαυτοῦ ἱματίῳ· οὗ ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψεως λαμπηδόνες φωτὸς ἐξήρχοντο εἰς τὰς ὄψεις αὐτῆς· ὅστις καὶ εἰς ἐμὲ ἔδωκε φωνὴν λέγων· Καλλίμαχε ἀπόθανε ἵνα ζήσῃς. Τίς μὲν οὖν ἦν οὐκ ᾔδειν δοῦλε τοῦ θεοῦ· ὅτι δὲ σοῦ ὀφθέντος ἐνθάδε γνωρίζω ἄγγελον αὐτὸν εἶναι θεοῦ εὖ οἶδα· τοῦτο δὲ ἀληθῶς ἐπίσταμαι ὅτι ἀληθὴς θεὸς ὑπὸ σοῦ καταγγέλλεται καὶ τοῦτο πέπεισμαι. ἀλλὰ κἀγὼ σὲ παρακαλῶ μὴ ἀμελήσῃς με ἀπὸ τοιαύτης συμφορᾶς καὶ τόλμης δεινῆς ἐλευθερῶσαι καὶ παραστῆσαι τῷ θεῷ σου ἄνθρωπον ἀπατηθέντα αἰσχρᾷ καὶ μυσαρᾷ ἀπάτῃ. βοηθείας οὖν δεόμενος παρὰ σοῦ ἅπτομαί σου τῶν ποδῶν. }[3]

The apostle John called down God’s mercy upon Callimachus. God delivered Callimachus from his insane love, forgave him for his necrophilia, and gave him rest and renewal of life. Witnessing to human forgiveness, Andronicus then promised Callimachus that he could have Drusiana as his wife after God resurrected her from the dead. That’s a fine Christian alternative to insane love and necrophilia.

Without forgiveness, horrific crimes can lead to even more horrific crimes. The Acts of John also tells of a young farmer whose father admonished him not to commit adultery with a neighbor’s wife. The young man, enraged at this exclusion, killed his father. The apostle John saw the young man running toward his neighbor’s house. The young man had a sickle in his belt. The holy man shouted:

Halt, you villainous demon! Where are you running with that bloodthirsty sickle?

{ Στῆθι σὺ δαῖμον ἀναιδέστατε, καὶ λέγε μοι ποῦ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἔχων φέρεις δρέπανον αἵματος ὀρεγόμενον }[4]

John had perceived what was in the young man’s heart:

The young man, confused, let his weapon drop to the ground. He said to John, “I have knowingly committed a monstrous, inhumane deed. I therefore resolved to do something more violent and more cruel to myself in order to die once for all. While my father always exhorted me to lead a chaste and honorable life, I could not tolerate his censure. I struck and killed him. When I saw what I had done, I intended to go to the woman on whose account I had become a father-killer and try to kill her, her husband, and finally myself. I could not bear her husband seeing me being executed.”

{ Καὶ ὁ νεανίσκος ταραχθεὶς καὶ τὸ σίδηρον εἰς γῆν ἀφεὶς εἶπεν αὐτῷ· Ἄθλιόν τι καὶ ἀπάνθρωπον διαπραξάμενος, καὶ ἐπιστάμενος, βιαιότερον τὸ κακὸν ἔκρινα πρᾶξαι καὶ ὠμότερον ἑαυτόν, ἀποθανεῖν ἅπαξ. τοῦ γὰρ πατρὸς ἀεὶ σωφρονίζοντός με ἀμοίχευτον βίον ἔχειν καὶ σεπτόν, νὴ φέρων αὐτὸν διελέγχοντά με λακτίσας αὐτὸν ἀπέκτεινα, καὶ ἰδὼν τὸ συμβὰν ἔσπευδον πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα διʼ ἣν πατρὸς γέγονα φονεύς, καὶ αὐτὴν σφάξαι πειρώμενος καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα αὐτῆς καὶ ἐμαυτὸν ὕστερον πάντων, μὴ ὑποφέρων ὁραθῆναι τῷ τῆς γυναικὸς ἀνδρί, δίκην θανάτου ὑπομένων. }

John told the young man to come with him to see his father. John declared that he would raise the father from the dead if the young man would stay away from his neighbor’s wife, who was dangerous to his soul’s salvation. The young man agreed.

With John’s prayer to God, the father rose from the dead. The father then sat down and complained:

I was delivered from a life of the most fearful pain. I had to suffer many grievous abuses and unkindness from my son. Now, man of the living God, you have called me back to life. To what purpose?

{ Ἀπηλλαγμένον με βίου δεινοτάτου καὶ ὕβρεις υἱοῦ ἐπιφέροντα δεινὰς καὶ πολλὰς, καὶ φιλοστοργίαν μετεκαλέσω ἄνθρωπε τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζῶντος ἐπὶ τίνι }

Resurrection doesn’t appeal immediately to persons whose earthly lives are miserable. John proclaimed to the father the central Christian message: rise to a better life! John taught the father about God’s mercy. The father believed. He understood that life could be good.

The young man was overjoyed to see his father risen from the dead. But his joy and newly found respect for his father’s teaching was impulsively misdirected:

When the young man saw the unexpected resurrection of his father and realized his own salvation, he took the sickle and cut off his own genitals. Running into the house where his adulteress was, he flung his severed genitals at her and said, “On your account I became a father-killer, and would have killed you two also, and myself. Here is the cause of it all. God has had mercy upon me, and I have seen his power.”

{ Ὁ δὲ νεανίσκος θεασάμενος τὴν ἀπροσδόκητον τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνάστασιν καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σωτηρίαν, λαβὼν δρέπανον τὰ ἑαυτοῦ μόρια ἀφείλατο, καὶ δραμὼν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐν ᾗ τὴν μοιχαλίδα εἶχεν, εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῆς προσέρριψεν εἰπών· Διὰ σὲ πατρὸς φονεὺς καὶ ὑμῶν τῶν δύο καὶ ἐμαυτοῦ ἐγενόμην. ἔχεις τὰ τούτῳ ὅμοια καὶ αἴτια. ἐμὲ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ἠλέησεν ἐπιγνῶναι αὐτοῦ τὴν δύναμιν. }

Even men who have turned from false religion are vulnerable to castration culture. As a good father should do, the apostle John admonished the young man for his wrong deed:

Young man, the one who induced you to kill your father and to become the lover of another man’s wife has also made you cut off your genitals, as if that were a righteous deed. But you should not have destroyed the place of your temptation, but the thought that showed its orientation through your genitals. For a man’s organs are not hurtful to him, but the hidden springs by which every shameful inclination is stirred and becomes manifest. My son, repent therefore this fault and recognize Satan’s devices. You shall have God to help you in all that your soul needs.

{ Ὁ ὑποβαλών σοι νεανίσκε τὸν πατέρα σου ἀποκτεῖναι καὶ μοιχὸν ἀλλοτρίας γυναικὸς γενέσθαι, οὗτός σοι ὡς δίκαιον ἔργον καὶ τὸ ἀφελεῖν τὰ ἄκαιρα ἐποίησεν. ἔδει δέ σε οὐχὶ τοὺς τόπους ἀφανίσαι, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἔννοιαν, ἥτις διὰ τῶν μορίων ἐκείνων ἐδείκνυτο χαλεπαίνουσα· οὐ γὰρ τὰ ὄργανά ἐστι βλαπτικὰ τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ ἀλλʼ αἱ ἀφανεῖς πηγαὶ διʼ ὧν πᾶσα κίνησις αἰσχρὰ κινεῖται καὶ εἰς τὸ φανερὸν πρόεισιν. μετεγνωκὼς οὖν τέκνον ἐπὶ τῇ τοιαύτῃ αἰτίᾳ καὶ καταμαθὼν τὰς τοῦ Σατανᾶ τέχνας ἔχεις τὸν θεὸν βοηθοῦντά σοι εἰς πάντα τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς σου ἐγχειρίζοντα. }[5]

Men would be less likely to blame their genitals for evil acts if the culture as a whole didn’t. Castration culture is Satanic. It’s false religion of a horrible sort.

castration of the god Ouranos, who is eating a child

O wretched human mind, O blinded hearts!
What life in shadows, with many perils —
our span of time passes in unsatisfied striving.

{ o miseras hominum mentes, o pectora caeca!
qualibus in tenebris vitae quantisque periclis
degitur hoc aevi quod cumquest }[6]

The young man repented of having wrongly castrated himself. He obtained forgiveness through the goodness of God. Respecting men’s genitals was important Christian teaching more than 1800 years ago. That’s important teaching for everyone today. Directed wisely and without regard for false religion, men’s genitals can be firm organs for good!

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Notes:

[1] Lactantius / Lucius Caecilius Firmianus, Divine Institutes {Institutiones Divinae} 1.21.16-17, Latin text from Brandt & Laubnamm (1890), English translation (modified) from McDonald (1964).

Lactantius apparently began composing his Institutiones Divinae about 304 GC. That work was in its final form before 314 GC. It was widely known in medieval Europe and has been transmitted well to the present. Institutiones Divinae survives in many manuscripts, the earliest of which date to the fifth and sixth century. Bowen & Garnsey (2003) p. xi.

Lactantius is thought to have lived from about 250 GC to 325 GC. He born in Africa, probably in present-day Tunisia. He grew to be regarded an eminent rhetor throughout the Roman Empire. He was appointed to the chair of Latin rhetoric in Nicomedia in Bithynia in northwest Asia Minor. Lactantius converted to Christianity about 300 GC in his late middle age. He subsequently served as a tutor to the son of the first Christian emperor Constantine I.

Bowen & Garnsey (2003) provides an alternate English translation that follows the Latin less closely. The English translation of Fletcher (1886) is freely available. The subsequent two quotes above are similarly from Institutiones Divinae, 5.9.17 (the most sacred part of his body) and 6.15.3 (The Stoics therefore are mad…).

[2] Cf. Romans 14:13, 1 John 2:10.

[3] Acts of John {Acta Ioannis}, section 76, ancient Greek text from Lipsius, Bonnet & Tischendorf (1898), English translation (modified slightly) from Elliott (1993), with the modifications benefiting from the English translation of Schneemelcher & Wilson (2003).

This story is commonly called “Drusiana and Callimachus.” It apparently existed in a fuller version. The Acts of John incorporates only fragments of the full story. “Drusiana and Callimachus” has similarities with elements of the Hellenistic biblical novel about Joseph and Aseneth. Bolyki (1995) p. 30. In the tenth century, the great medieval author Hrotsvit of Gandersheim wrote a dramatic version of “Drusiana and Callimachus.”

The currently best edition of the Acts of John is Junod & Kaestli (1983). Here’s a reading aid for the ancient Greek. The English translation of James (1924) is freely available online.

[4] Acts of John, section 49, sourced as previously. The story is commonly called “Conversion of a Parricide.” Subsequently quotes above are similarly from Acts of John, sections 49 (The young man, confused…), 52 (I was delivered from a life of the most fearful pain…), 53 (When the young man saw the unexpected resurrection of his father…), 54 (Young man, the one who induced you to kill your father…).

[5] Bolyki (1995), p. 24, wrongly states, “John does not condemn the self-castration of the young man.” John condemns the young man’s self-castration, but forgives the young man for that sin. Bremmer observed:

It seems noteworthy that although John disapproved of this act, nevertheless he did not heal the youth but accepted him as he was.

Bremmer (1995b) p. 53. Being castrated does not in itself separate a man from the love of God. See, e.g. the Ethiopian eunuch in Acts 8:26-40.

[6] Lucretius, On the nature of things {De rerum natura} 2.14-16h, Latin text from Rouse & Smith (2002), my English translation, benefiting from those of id. and Esolen (1995). Despite his great learning and his insight into false religion, Lucretius lacked appreciation for bodily penetration.

[images] (1) Men worshiping false god. Illustration from manuscript instance of Lactantius’s Institutiones Divinae made in 1432. From folio 1r of MS Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Plut.21.6. (2) Castration of the god Ouranos. Ouranos is eating a child. Venus is bathing in a nearby river. A man (a figure of Jupiter) seems to be castrating Ouranos to protect Venus from him. That’s not the story of Hesiod’s Theogony. From a manuscript that Antitus Faure composed about the year 1500. He was chaplain to the Dukes of Burgundy and Savoy and to the Prince-Bishop Aymon de Montfaucon. Antitus Faure dedicated this book to Prince-Bishop Aymon de Montfaucon. Image excerpted from folio 18 of MS. Chavannes-près-Renens (Switzerland), Archives cantonales vaudoises, P Antitus.

References:

Bolyki, János. 1995. “Miracle stories in the Acts of John.” Chapter 2 (pp. 15-35) in Bremmer (1995a).

Bowen, Anthony, and Peter Garnsey, trans. 2003. Lactantius: Divine Institutes. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press.

Brandt, Samuel, and Georg Laubnamm, eds. 1890. Lactantius. Opera Omnia. Pars I. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Volume 19. Vienna, Prague, Leipzig.

Bremmer, Jan N, ed. 1995a. The Apocryphal Acts of John. Kampen the Netherlands: Kok Pharos.

Bremmer, Jan N. 1995b. “Women in the Apocryphal Acts of John.” Chapter 3 (pp. 37-56) in Bremmer (1995a).

Elliott, J. K. 1993. The Apocryphal New Testament: A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation. Oxford, New York: Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press.

Esolen, Anthony M., trans. 1995. Lucretius. On the Nature of Things: De rerum natura. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Fletcher, William, trans. 1886. Lactantius. The Divine Institutes. Ante-Nicene Fathers. Vol. 7. Edited by Alexander Roberts, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe. Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Publishing Co.

James, M. R, trans. 1924. The Apocryphal New Testament. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Junod, Éric, and Jean-Daniel Kaestli, eds. 1983. Acta Iohannis. Turnhout: Brepols.

Lipsius Richard Adelbert, Max Bonnet, and Constantin von Tischendorf, eds. 1898. Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha. Volume 2, Part 1. Lipsiae: H. Mendelssohn.

McDonald, Mary Francis, trans. 1964. Lactantius. The Divine Institutes. Books I-VII. The Fathers of the Church: A New Translation. Volume 49. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press.

Rouse, W. H. D., and Martin Ferguson Smith, eds. and trans. 2002. Lucretius. De rerum natura. Loeb Classical Library 181. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Schneemelcher, Wilhelm, and R. McL Wilson, trans. 2003. New Testament Apocrypha. Revised edition. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press.

lechery of Viking god Odin dull relative to Jupiter

While married to his vicious sister Juno, the Roman nominal chief god Jupiter engaged in numerous extramarital sexual affairs. For example, he showered down as gold upon princess Danae, transformed himself into a bull to copulate with Europa, and incinerated Semele at her ambitious request.[1] The Viking nominal chief god Odin, in contrast, was repeatedly humiliated in his unimaginative attempts to have sex with the Ruthenian princess Rindr.

Odin first tried becoming a military leader. Disguising himself as a highly experienced soldier, Odin offered to serve the Ruthenian king. The king made him a general. After leading a glorious victory over the king’s enemies, Odin became highly honored:

Because of what Odin’s battle had accomplished, the king raised him to the first rank of royal friendship, scarcely less with gifts than with honorable decorations. After a small interval of time, Odin alone forced the enemy line into a flight of amazing defeat and returned to announce it. Everyone was astonished that one man could have taken up a massacre of such innumerably many men.

{ Quem rex ob pugnam strenue editam in primum amicitiae gradum ascivit, haud parcius donis quam honoribus cultum. Idem post parvulum temporis intervallum solus hostium acies in fugam propulit mirificaeque cladis auctor pariter ac nuntius rediit. Admirationi omnibus erat, quod tanta de innumeris strages unius accipi viribus potuisset. }[2]

chief Viking god Odin

The hero Odin was encouraged by the king to seek his daughter Rindr’s love. Young women in the ancient world, however, weren’t timid even in relation to a highly decorated general:

Invigorated by the king’s most kindly encouragement, Odin then attempted to kiss the young woman. He received a slap on his face.

{ Cuius benignissimo favore recreatus, dum a puella osculum peteret, alapam recepit. }[3]

Rindr thus decisively rejected the chief god Odin in the disguise of an eminent general.

Odin refused to bow to Rindr’s rejection of him. He disguised himself as a highly skilled, foreign-born metal worker:

Having constructed numerous things of shaped bronze with very beautiful features, he promoted his skilled profession to such an extent that he received from the king a large amount of gold. The king ordered him to produce ornaments for the royal women. He therefore constructed many emblems for feminine adornment. Eventually he presented to the young woman Rindr a bracelet finished with more work than the rest and many rings intricately twisted with equal effort.

{ Itaque multiplices rerum formas speciosissimis aeris lineamentis complexus adeo professionem artificio commendavit, ut, recepto a rege magno ponderis auro, matronarum ornamenta procudere iuberetur. Igitur complura feminei cultus insignia fabricatus tandem armillam ceteris operosius expolitam annulosque complures pari studio decusatos puellae praebuit. }

Providing gifts of exquisite jewelry didn’t take him into this young woman’s heart:

Her disdain could not be bent by any of his works. Whenever he desired to offer her a kiss, Rindr banged him with her fist.

{ nullis flecti meritis indignatio potest. Quem Rinda basium sibi porrigere cupientem colapho percussit. }

Rindr realized that the metal-working man generous with his jewelry was seeking her sexual favor. She wouldn’t sell herself for sumptuous gifts.

Odin tried again. This time he became a rugged, horse-born warrior. He proudly displayed to all his horsemanship and martial courage. He was ready to topple any man in a joust.[4] Rindr wasn’t impressed:

One day when departing, he wished to beg a kiss. From her in response came such a push that falling, he banged his chin on the ground.

{ Quam cum discessurus osculo petere vellet, ita ab ea propulsus est, ut mentum terrae nutabundus impingeret. }

The skilled knight shouldn’t have stuck his chin out for a kiss. Rindr wasn’t a phony Hollywood woman action-hero. She was a Viking princess as represented in thirteenth-century Latin literature. Attractive young women like Rindr have always ruled, even in force of arms.

Odin gazing obliquely

Odin then disguised himself as a woman. He claimed that he was Wecha, a female physician like the illustrious Calabre of Paris. He could do as a woman what he was never able to do as a man:

Eventually he was accepted into the queen’s service and acted as the young woman’s female attendant. He used to wash dirt from her feet in the evening hours. As he applied water to her feet, he was permitted to touch her calves and the upper part of her thighs.

{ Tandem in reginae famulitium ascitus puellae pedissequam egit. Cuius etiam pedum sordes serotinis horis abluere solebat; licebat quoque lympham pedibus ministranti suras ac superiores femorum partes contingere. }[5]

One day Rindr became sick. Odin as her female physician Wecha prescribed a medicine that he said would be so bitter that Rindr must be tied to her bed to receive it. According to the fake female physician:

From her innermost fibers must be expelled the material of her disease.

{ Ab intimis enim fibris morbi propulsandam esse materiam. }

Her foolish father believed the medical expert’s prescription:

His daughter Rindr was seized, bound to a bed, and ordered not to resist, but to submit patiently to all that the physician would apply. The pretense of feminine attire that the old man Odin employed obscured his perverted art and deceived the king. A matter of apparent medicine was transmuted into a license for rape. Having changed his business of treatment, the physician took up the opportunity for sex. Prior to engaging in the occupation of dispelling the young woman’s fever, he first exerted himself in lust. He used illness against the young women, who in good health he had experienced as his foe.

{ filiam vincire non distulit iniectamque toro ad omnia, quae medicus admovisset, patientiam praestare iussit. Fallebat illum feminei species cultus, quo senex ad obumbrandam artis suae pervicaciam utebatur; quae res medicamenti speciem ad stupri licentiam transtulit. Medicus namque, Veneris occasione sumpta, mutato curationis officio, prius ad exercendae libidinis quam pellendae febris negotium procurrit, adversa puellae valetudine usus, cuius inimicam sibi incolumitatem expertus fuerat. }[6]

Few mortal men would rape a woman in any circumstances. The chief Viking god Odin had a ill woman tied her to a bed so that he could rape her. That’s remarkably dull magic for a god. It shows Odin to be a pathetic and evil being.

Odin’s wicked sexual deed threatened to discredit all of traditional Viking religion. A widely disseminated myth recounted that a young man as a medical student had resurrected a dead princess with erotic treatment. Odin’s treatment of Rindr was morally much worse. That mattered:

So the gods, whose principal seat was thought to be in Byzantium, discerning Odin to have stained the glory of majesty and divinity by his various failings, led to have him removed from their college. He was not only ejected from his preeminence, but also stripped of his household honor and worship and arranged to be outlawed. The gods estimated it to be better for a disgraced high priest to be removed from power than to have public religion profaned. They also did not want to be implicated in another god’s wicked crime and to have their innocent names punished. Moreover, seeing about them that those who had been seduced into giving them worship and honor of divinity, through common mockery of the greater god were changing reverence to contempt. People were becoming ashamed of their religion. Sacred rites were being led into sacrilege, and people were regarding solemn religious ceremonies fixed in place as childish absurdities. Before the gods’ eyes was death. Fear was in their spirits, and you would have thought that the fault of a single god was returning upon the heads of them all.

{ At dii, quibus praecipua apud Byzantium sedes habebatur, Othinum variis maiestatis detrimentis divinitatis gloriam maculasse cernentes collegio suo submovendum duxerunt. Nec solum primatu eiectum, sed etiam domestico honore cultuque spoliatum proscribendum curabant, satius existimantes probrosi antistitis potentiam subrui quam publicae religionis habitum profanari, ne vel ipsi alieno crimine implicati insontes nocentis nomine punirentur. Videbant enim apud eos, quos ad deferendos sibi divinitatis honores illexerant, vulgato maioris dei ludibrio, obsequium contemptu, religionem rubore mutari, sacra pro sacrilegio duci, statas sollemnesque caerimonias puerilium deliramentorum loco censeri. Mors prae oculis, metus in animis erat, et in omnium caput unius culpam recidere putares. }[7]

The ruling powers are always most concerned about preserving their privileges. So it is in the leading institutions of dominant ideology today.

Why wasn’t the Roman chief god Jupiter deposed for his sexual outrages as was the Viking chief god Odin? Even among gods, credit for a husband’s success is usually attributed to his wife. Jupiter’s wife Juno was at the center of Roman community and family and honored in seven festivals per year. As the Aeneid makes clear, Juno was in practice the most powerful Roman deity. She had no need to encourage the other gods to nominally depose Jupiter so as to enhance her own power.

Odin’s wife Frigg, in contrast, was less well-positioned gynocentrically. While Frigg and Odin squabbled and took different sides as they intervened in mortal affairs, just as did Juno and Jupiter, Frigg was much less prominent than Odin in Old Norse religion. Surviving Old Norse literature says little about Frigg. According to modern scholarship, she was a strong, independent, sexually promiscuous goddess.[8] When a golden statue was erected to Odin in Uppsala, Frigg contrived to have it converted into jewelry for her:

Odin’s wife Frigg, so that she could walk forth better adorned, arranged for artisans to strip the statue of gold for jewelry. Odin had them killed by hanging, and he had the statue placed on a pedestal. Moreover, marvelous work of craft made the statue respond to human touch with a voice. Nonetheless Frigg, placing the splendor of her own attire before her husband’s divine honors, contrived to have herself raped by one of her household servant-men. By his cunning the effigy was demolished, and the gold that had been consecrated to public superstition was converted into an instrument for her private pleasure.

{ Cuius coniunx Frigga, quo cultior progredi posset, accitis fabris aurum statuae detrahendum curavit. Quibus Othinus suspendio consumptis statuam in crepidine collocavit, quam etiam mira artis industria ad humanos tactus vocalem reddidit. At nihilominus Frigga, cultus sui nitorem divinis mariti honoribus anteponens, uni familiarium se stupro subiecit; cuius ingenio simulacrum demolita aurum publicae superstitioni consecratum ad privati luxus instrumentum convertit. }[9]

Teach goddesses not to get themselves raped for their personal advantage! Frigg’s actions so embarrassed Odin that he voluntarily went into exile. He returned only after Frigg had died. Juno never sought to humiliate Jupiter to the extent that Frigg undermined and humiliated Odin.

Jupiter didn’t ultimately remain the nominal chief god in the land of the Roman Empire. The son of a carpenter from the dusty town of Nazareth eventually discredited Jupiter and all the other Roman gods. Jesus didn’t, however, change the powerful force of men’s desire for women. Such desire is evident not only in the behavior of the gods Jupiter and Odin, but also in that of the great tribal founder Jacob and the great king David.

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Notes:

[1] A lovesick Roman poet writing probably in the first century even went so far as to describe his beloved Lydia as worthy of Jupiter’s amorous attention:

Yet my dying limbs are wasting with grief,
and warmth fails me, steeped in death’s chill,
because my lady-lord isn’t with me. No young woman
on earth was more learned or more lovely. And if
the tale isn’t false, as worthy of Jove as bull or bullion
(Jupiter, avert your ear) my young woman alone is.

{ at male tabescunt morientia membra dolore,
et calor infuso decedit frigore mortis,
quod mea non mecum domina est: non ulla puella
doctior in terris fuit aut formosior, ac, si
fabula non vana est, tauro Iove digna vel auro
(Iuppiter, avertas aurem) mea sola puella est. }

Virgilian Supplement {Appendix Virgiliana}, Lydia, incipit “I envy you, you fields and lovely meadows {Invideo vobis, agri formosaque prata},” vv. 23-7, Latin text and English translation (modified) from Fairclough & Goold (1918).

[2] Saxo Grammaticus, Deeds of the Danes {Gesta Danorum} 3.4.1.6-8, Latin text from Olrik & Raeder (1931), my English translation, benefiting from that of Davidson & Fisher (1979-80). For a freely available, online English translation, Elton (1894). Subsequent quotes from Gesta Danorum are similarly sourced from 3.4.1-9, unless otherwise noted.

Odin (Óðinn / Woden) sought to have sex with Rindr (Rinda / Rind) to fulfill a prophecy. That prophecy declared that Odin and Rindr would conceive a son who would avenge the death of Odin’s son Baldr. Baldr’s brother Hod (Höðr) had killed him through the guile of Loki. By Odin, Rindr had a son named Váli or Bous. He avenged Baldr’s death by killing Hod. Men’s deaths attract little social concern relative to the rape of a woman. For a motif analysis of the Baldr myth, Rooth (1961), Chapter 10.

[3] Odin also suffered sexual rejection from Billingr’s daughter. He ardently desired her:

The daughter of Billingr
I found in bed,
shining like the sun, sleeping.
No earl’s pleasure
I imagined could be,
except to live beside that
body.

{ Billings mey
ek fann beðiom á
sólhvíta sofa.
Iarls ynði
þótti mér ekki vera,
nema við þat lík at lifa. }

Hávamál 97, Old Norse text and English translation from Dronke (2011). The daughter of Billingr encouraged him to come to her at night. But when he did, he found a band of warriors with blazing torches ready to punish him. Nonetheless, later he tried again:

And close to morning,
when I’d come again,
then the household were asleep.
Then I found a bitch
tethered on the bed
of that good girl.

{ Ok nær morni, Óðinn
er ek var enn um kominn,
þá var saldrótt um sofin.
Grey eitt ek þá fann
ennar góðar kono
bundit beðiom á. }

Hávamál 101, sourced as previously. Men have long been disparaged as being sexually like dogs. Billingr’s daughter conveyed to Odin a message that surely bit and hurt him.

Billingr's daughter humiliating Odin with dog

[4] Medieval romance associated men’s prowess in killing other men with gaining women’s love. When the mighty warrior Ille helped the Romans defeat the Greeks, three thousand Roman women in a nearby Roman castle applauded his exploits:

If he had stayed for 15 days,
he would not have been lacking in love-affairs.
Many woman there would have sought to be his lover.

{ Se il demorast .xv. jours,
ne fust pas sofraitex d’amors:
requis i fust de mainte amie. }

Gautier d’Arras, Ille and Galeron {Ille et Galeron} vv. 3057-9, Old French text and English translation (modified) from Eley (1996). Odin sought to make himself as sexually desirable to Rindr as Ille was to the Roman women.

[5] Cross-dressing in pursuit of amorous affairs is a well-established motif in medieval literature. Hagbard disguised himself as a Viking woman-warrior to gain access to his beloved Signe. So too did Floire to gain access to his imprisoned, beloved Blancheflor. Cross-dressing helped to expose the problem of false accusations of rape, such as in the cases of Saint Eugenia and Saint Marina.

Odin apparently was known for cross-dressing as part of shamanic activity. Poetic Edda, Lokasenna 24, discussed in Varley (2015) pp. 84-6.

[6] Alternate accounts exist of Odin’s sexual affair with Rindr. Saxo reported that some say that the Ruthenian king “permitted Odin to acquire Rindr by secret sexual intercourse {clandestino filiae concubitu potiri permiserit}.” Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum 3.4.8.1, Latin text from Olrik & Raeder (1931), my English translation, benefiting from that of Davidson & Fisher (1979-80). Odin was known to use spells and charms. Poetic Edda, Lokasenna 24. Another source states, “Odin won Rindr by magic {Seið Yggr til Rindar}.” Kormákr Ögmundarson, Skáldskaparmál 9.12, discussed in Varley (2015) pp. 78-9.

Under today’s elite standard, literature referring to a male having sex with a female should be interpreted to mean that he raped her, unless it’s clear beyond reasonable doubt that he didn’t. That elite standard supports the massively gender-disproportionate imprisonment of men. Nonetheless, I’ve followed that elite standard by referring to Odin having raped Rindr.

[7] In addition to raping Rindr, Odin engaged in “a string of sexual peccadilloes with a variety of female creatures, notably giantesses.” Orchard (1997) p. 123. Wanner declared:

While like any god worthy of the name, Óðinn offered adherents an elevated image of themselves, his was a more realistic than idealized reflection. Óðinn was a god whose nature and experiences closely paralleled his followers’ own, up to and including the qualities of itinerancy and transience. The difference, in short, separating Óðinn from humans was quantitative, not qualitative.

Wanner (2007) p. 349. That’s another example of anti-meninism. Not all men are like that. Some men don’t have sex with any women. Moreover, Odin should be credited with not being intimidated by large women, as many human men are.

[8] On the relative scarcity of references to Frigg (Frea) in Old Norse literature, Varley (21015) p. 137.

Testifying to early medieval perception of Frigg’s character, the Old English word “frīġedæġ {day of Frigg}” came to replace the Latin phrase “Veneris dies {day of Venus}” and led to the modern English word “Friday.” Venus was the Roman goddess of love. When Odin was away on a long trip, Frigg reportedly had sex with both her brothers-in-law. Poetic Edda, Lokasenna 26, and Ynglinga saga 3. For Old Norse text and analysis, Varley (2015) pp. 144-6.

Much like the great woman leader Empress Theodora, “that Frigg is in fact empowered by her sexual relationships would seem to be evident.” She was “a sexually confident being who is adept at manipulating the sexual desires of the opposite gender for personal gain, and by implication personal enjoyment.” Id. p. 146. But she would never rape a man, and if she did, that action wouldn’t be recognized as a crime. Ignoring anti-men gender bias in penal punishment, “she is a figure not unlike Óðinn himself.” Id. p. 158.

Although Frigg and Odin were married, they maintained separate residences. Frigg resided in Fensalir, where she ruled over her own servants. She was the hierarchical leader of the goddesses of the Ásynjur, a gender-exclusive society. Odin, in contrast, resided in Valhöll. Both male and female divinities were included in the divine society known as Æsir.

Frigg has sometimes been regarded as the same as the Viking goddess Freyja. Many goddesses, however, have existed, both in women’s own minds and men’s perceptions. Moreover, careful study indicates that Frigg and Freyja differed. Ásdísardóttir (2006). Ásdísardóttir frankly observed:

The idea and hypothesis of one Great Goddess is understandable for its times as a means of unifying international womanhood, but it must also be seen as being somewhat simple and overgeneralised.

Id. p. 417. Writing tendentiously from an anti-meninist perspective, Wylie nonetheless triumphantly concluded, “the goddess will survive, she will endure and she will thrive.” Wylie (2019) p. 59. A recent blockbuster exhibit at the British Museum certainly supports that view.

Frigg was wonderfully dynamic and shrewdly responsive to circumstances. She both fulfilled and subverted:

Frigg, for example, can be seen to be adept at fulfilling or subverting the role of a queen-figure (inasmuch as she is the legitimate wife of a god who occupies the highest position of sovereignty amongst the gods) to match whatever is beneficial to her

Varley (2015) p. 32. Moreover, even though patriarchy has crushed all women throughout what’s oppressively known as history, Frigg somehow managed to shame her husband:

Frigg is presented as independent of will, and entirely willing to challenge her husband: his failure to bend her entirely to his will, or to perceive that she has such a degree of independence, reflects poorly on his characteristic enactment of patriarchal principles.

Varley (2015) p. 139. You go goddess! You could enact patriarchal principles better than he could! Very well-educated in dominant ideology, Varley learnedly observed:

As a means of concluding this section on Frigg, it would be appropriate to sum up the evidence given above, and consequently suggest some ways in which Frigg is portrayed as an empowered being. … there is a form of negotiation going on between male and female figures in order to decide the exact role and nature of the empowered woman in a phallocentric society.

Varley (2015) pp. 157, 297. Such scholarly effort indicates a young person’s potential to serve effectively the ruling party. While immersed and schooled in the anti-meninism of modern academic literature, he wrote:

In some cases, the literature gives us women who are so adept at manoeuvring themselves … that the male figures with whom they interact seem unaware of how the women are manipulating them.

Id. p. 13. That was a mistake, a slip. He didn’t mean it. He doesn’t believe it!

[9] Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum 1.7.1.5-6, Latin text from Olrik & Raeder (1931), my English translation, benefiting from that of Davidson & Fisher (1979-80).

[images] (1) Viking chief god Odin with his ravens. Illustration made by Jakob Sigurðsson in 1760. From folio 94r of MS. Copenhagen: Det Kongelige Bibliotek. NKS 1867 4to, via MyNDIR (My Norse Digital Image Repository). (2) Odin gazing obliquely. Illustration (detail) made in 1680. From folio 33v of Reykjavik: Stofnun Árna Magnússonar í íslenskum fræðum. AM 738 4to, via MyNDIR. (3) Billingr’s daughter humiliating love-seeking god Odin with a dog. Illustration by Lorenz Frølich on p. 104 of Gjellerup (1895), via Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Ásdísardóttir, Ingunn. 2006. “Frigg and Freyja: One Great Goddess or Two?” Pp. 417-25 in John McKinnell, David Ashurst and Donata Kick, eds. The Fantastic In Old Norse / Icelandic Literature: Preprint Papers of the 13th International Saga Conference, Durham and York, 6th-12th August, 2006. Durham, UK: The Centre for Medieval and Renaissance Studies. Alternate source.

Davidson, Hilda Ellis, commentary, and Peter Fisher, trans. 1979-80. Saxo Grammaticus. History of the Danes. Vol. 1 (English translation). Vol. 2 (commentary). Cambridge, GB: D.S. Brewer.

Dronke, Ursula, ed. and trans. 2011. The Poetic Edda. Volume III, Mythological Poems II. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Eley, Penny, ed. and trans. 1996. Gautier d’Arras. Ille et Galeron. London: King’s College London, Centre for Late Antique & Medieval Studies.

Elton, Oliver. 1894. The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus. London: D. Nutt. Alternate presentation.

Fairclough, H. Rushton, revised by G. P. Goold. 1918. Virgil. Aeneid: Books 7-12. Appendix Vergiliana. Loeb Classical Library 64. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Gjellerup, Karl, trans. 1895. Den Aeldre Eddas Gudesange Oversatte Samt Indledede Og Forklarede {The Elder Edda’s hymns translated as well as introduced and explained}. With drawings by Lorenz Frølich. Kjøbenhavn: P.G. Philipsen.

Olrik, Jørgen and Hans Raeder, eds. 1931. Saxo Grammaticus. Gesta danorum. Hauniae, Levin & Munksgaard.

Orchard, Andy. 1997. Dictionary of Norse Myth and Legend: Legends of Gods and Heroes. London: Cassell.

Rooth, Anna Birgitta. 1961. Loki in Scandinavian Mythology. Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup.

Varley, David Hugh. 2015. The Whirling Wheel: the male construction of empowered female identities in Old Norse myth and legend. Ph.D. Thesis, Durham University.

Wanner, Kevin J. 2007. “God on the Margins: Dislocation and Transience in the Myths of Óðinn.” History of Religions. 46 (4): 316–50.

Wylie, Ellis B. 2019. A Full(a) Roster: Re-addressing the Ásynjur in Snorra Edda and Beyond. M.Phil. Dissertation, Department of Anglo-Saxon, Norse & Celtic, University of Cambridge.