Phaeacian princess Nausicaa: a dream-romance wife for Odysseus

Nausicaa faces Odysseus on ancient Greek vase

After having escaped from repeatedly being raped in Calypso’s captivity, the naked Odysseus slept in a pile of leaves under twin olive trees near a river. Nearby, Nausicaa and her young servant women washed clothes in the river and played ball. Their playful shouts woke Odysseus. Were they cruel and wild women who hated men and favored castration culture? Odysseus was uncertain:

God-like Odysseus emerged from under the thicket.
With his stout hand he tore a leafy branch
from the dense growth to cover his manly body’s genitals.

{ θάμνων ὑπεδύσετο δῖος Ὀδυσσεύς,
ἐκ πυκινῆς δ᾿ ὕλης πτόρθον κλάσε χειρὶ παχείῃ
φύλλων, ὡς ῥύσαιτο περὶ χροῒ μήδεα φωτός. }[1]

Sin caused men’s genitals to be regarded as shameful. Men hide their genitals when they fear hostility to them. A man has to protect himself:

So Odysseus was about to mix with the lovely haired girls,
naked as he was. What choice did he have?
He was to them a frightening sight, disfigured with brine,
and they fled in all directions to the jutting riverbanks.

{ ὣς Ὀδυσεὺς κούρῃσιν ἐυπλοκάμοισιν ἔμελλε
μίξεσθαι, γυμνός περ ἐών· χρειὼ γὰρ ἵκανε.
σμερδαλέος δ᾿ αὐτῇσι φάνη κεκακωμένος ἅλμῃ
τρέσσαν δ᾿ ἄλλυδις ἄλλη ἐπ᾿ ἠιόνας προὐχούσας· }

Nausicaa was different. While the other young women fled, Nausicaa stood and faced the nearly naked, dirty Odysseus. She recognized that he was a human being. She recognized that she had nothing to fear from him. She called out to her androphobic servant girls:

Stop, servant girls. Why run away at the sight of a man?
Surely you don’t think that he’s an enemy?

{ στῆτέ μοι, ἀμφίπολοι· πόσε φεύγετε φῶτα ἰδοῦσαι;
ἦ μή πού τινα δυσμενέων φάσθ᾿ ἔμμεναι ἀνδρῶν }

Odysseus needed from these women not hostility but help. He addressed Nausicaa. He told her that he had, wonder-struck, gazed on her and felt that she was as beautiful as a goddess. Most women not learned in anti-meninist literary criticism desire men to gaze on them longingly. Then Odysseus pleaded:

Have pity, royal one. After all my toils
to you I have first come. I don’t know
a soul who lives here, not a single one.
Guide me to town. Give me a rag to throw on myself,
if you have brought one to bundle the laundry.

{ ἀλλά, ἄνασσ᾽, ἐλέαιρε: σὲ γὰρ κακὰ πολλὰ μογήσας
ἐς πρώτην ἱκόμην, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων οὔ τινα οἶδα
ἀνθρώπων, οἳ τήνδε πόλιν καὶ γαῖαν ἔχουσιν.
ἄστυ δέ μοι δεῖξον, δὸς δὲ ῥάκος ἀμφιβαλέσθαι,
εἴ τί που εἴλυμα σπείρων ἔχες ἐνθάδ᾽ ἰοῦσα. }

Like many women, Nausicaa had difficulty expressing compassion for men. To Odysseus’s heartfelt confession of suffering and plea for pity, Nausicaa responded:

Stranger, you seem neither a bad man nor a fool.
The Olympian Zeus himself assigns happiness to humans,
to good and bad ones each as he wills.
You have no choice but to endure what he gave you.

{ ξεῖν᾽, ἐπεὶ οὔτε κακῷ οὔτ᾽ ἄφρονι φωτὶ ἔοικας:
Ζεὺς δ᾽ αὐτὸς νέμει ὄλβον Ὀλύμπιος ἀνθρώποισιν,
ἐσθλοῖς ἠδὲ κακοῖσιν, ὅπως ἐθέλῃσιν, ἑκάστῳ:
καί που σοὶ τάδ᾽ ἔδωκε, σὲ δὲ χρὴ τετλάμεν ἔμπης. }

That’s cosmic and cold. A warm hug and some caressing of the man’s face and chest would have been better, even without getting affirmative consent beforehand. Many women just don’t know how to treat men well.

shipwrecked Odysseus meets Nauticaa

At least Nausicaa proposed to undertake for Odysseus specific acts to help him. She declared:

But now, since you have come to our city and land,
you will lack neither clothing nor anything else
of that which one should give to a much-suffering suppliant.
I will guide you to the city and tell you our people’s name.

{ νῦν δ᾿, ἐπεὶ ἡμετέρην τε πόλιν καὶ γαῖαν ἱκάνεις,
οὔτ᾿ οὖν ἐσθῆτος δευήσεαι οὔτε τευ ἄλλου,
ὧν ἐπέοιχ᾿ ἱκέτην ταλαπείριον ἀντιάσαντα.
ἄστυ δέ τοι δείξω, ἐρέω δέ τοι οὔνομα λαῶν. }

Most men know well the suffering of supplication. Women must do more for men. Odysseus himself described to Nausicaa the greatest gift:

No gift is better or greater than this:
woman and man making home together in unity of mind —
causes of great grief to foes of this, but joy to those of good will.

{ οὐ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ γε κρεῖσσον καὶ ἄρειον,
ἢ ὅθ᾽ ὁμοφρονέοντε νοήμασιν οἶκον ἔχητον
ἀνὴρ ἠδὲ γυνή: πόλλ᾽ ἄλγεα δυσμενέεσσι }

We are living in a time lacking in joy. Everyone should do what they can to bring joy to the world.

A dream of soon getting married had motivated Nausicaa to seek to wash her clothes. To get permission to drive away in a family vehicle, Nausicaa told her father that she also wanted to wash his clothes and her brothers’ clothes. That fabrication was unnecessary. Like most fathers, Nausicaa’s father, the nominal king, would do anything for his daughter:

I wouldn’t deprive you of my mules, child, or anything else.
Go ahead. Our male slaves will make ready for you the wagon,
the high one with strong wheels and a luggage box above.

{ οὔτε τοι ἡμιόνων φθονέω, τέκος, οὔτε τευ ἄλλου.
ἔρχευ: ἀτάρ τοι δμῶες ἐφοπλίσσουσιν ἀπήνην
ὑψηλὴν ἐύκυκλον, ὑπερτερίῃ ἀραρυῖαν. }

As a woman of privilege benefiting from the work of male slaves, Nausicaa drove off in her family’s best station-wagon.

Down at the river, Nausicaa commanded her servant women to bathe Odysseus. She issued this command without first securing affirmative consent from him. Throughout history, guilty women have seldom been found guilty of raping men. Nausicaa’s servant women led Odysseus to a sheltered place along the river and had him sit down there. They gave him olive oil to rub down his body and put besides him a cloak and tunic for him to put on after bathing. Then they told him to bathe. They stood nearby and eagerly engaged their female gaze. Neither men nor women should be so raped.

Showing rare agency in response to gender injustices against men, Odysseus spoke out immediately about this imminent sexual assault. He communicated clearly and directly to the young women, but not antagonistically:

Servant women, stand away there, so that I myself
may wash off the brine from my shoulders and rub myself
around with olive oil. My skin hasn’t had oil for a long time.
But I don’t want to bathe myself in front of you.
I shrink from thus being naked among lovely haired girls.

{ ἀμφίπολοι, στῆθ᾽ οὕτω ἀπόπροθεν, ὄφρ᾽ ἐγὼ αὐτὸς
ἅλμην ὤμοιιν ἀπολούσομαι, ἀμφὶ δ᾽ ἐλαίῳ
χρίσομαι: ἦ γὰρ δηρὸν ἀπὸ χροός ἐστιν ἀλοιφή.
ἄντην δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἐγώ γε λοέσσομαι: αἰδέομαι γὰρ
γυμνοῦσθαι κούρῃσιν ἐυπλοκάμοισι μετελθών. }

The river water was cold. Odysseus was tired and hungry. He understood what the group of young women imagined doing. He, however, was shrunken. The young women respected Odysseus’s position.

The bathed Odysseus excited Nausicaa’s imagination. She exclaimed:

Listen to me, white-skinned servant women, let me say something.
Not against the will of the gods, who hold Mt. Olympus,
has this man come among the god-like Phaeacians.
At first he looked to me appalling,
but now he looks like the gods who rule high heaven.
If only such a man might become my husband,
among all the men living here, and he be pleased to remain here.
Go on, servant women, give the stranger food and drink.

{ κλῦτέ μευ, ἀμφίπολοι λευκώλενοι, ὄφρα τι εἴπω.
οὐ πάντων ἀέκητι θεῶν, οἳ Ὄλυμπον ἔχουσιν,
Φαιήκεσσ᾽ ὅδ᾽ ἀνὴρ ἐπιμειξεται ἀντιθέοισι:
πρόσθεν μὲν γὰρ δή μοι ἀεικέλιος δέατ᾽ εἶναι,
νῦν δὲ θεοῖσιν ἔοικε, τοὶ οὐρανὸν εὐρὺν ἔχουσιν.
αἲ γὰρ ἐμοὶ τοιόσδε πόσις κεκλημένος εἴη
ἐνθάδε ναιετάων, καὶ οἱ ἅδοι αὐτόθι μίμνειν.
ἀλλὰ δότ᾽, ἀμφίπολοι, ξείνῳ βρῶσίν τε πόσιν τε. }

Women like Nausicaa shouldn’t be criticized for judging men superficially. Women’s physical appearance is also quite important to men’s amorous interest.

Although she appreciated Odysseus’s masculine beauty only after he had bathed, Nausicaa wasn’t a shallow woman. She was perceptive and socially astute. She instructed Odysseus on what to do when he arrived at “my father’s house {δώματα πατρὸς ἐμοῦ}”:

When the house and courtyard enclose you,
go quickly through the great hall until you come
to my mother, who sits at the hearth in the fire’s light
and spins purple yarn. She’s a wonder to behold,
leaning against a pillar, servant women sitting behind her.
Leaning against the same pillar is my father’s throne.
Sitting on his throne, he drinks wine like an immortal.
Pass him by and throw your arms about my mother’s knees,
so you may quickly, joyfully see the day of your return,
even if you are very far from your home.
If in her heart she is kindly disposed toward you,
then there’s hope that you will see your own people and reach
your well-kept household and fatherland.

{ ἀλλ᾽ ὁπότ᾽ ἄν σε δόμοι κεκύθωσι καὶ αὐλή,
ὦκα μάλα μεγάροιο διελθέμεν, ὄφρ᾽ ἂν ἵκηαι
μητέρ᾽ ἐμήν: ἡ δ᾽ ἧσται ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάρῃ ἐν πυρὸς αὐγῇ,
ἠλάκατα στρωφῶσ᾽ ἁλιπόρφυρα, θαῦμα ἰδέσθαι,
κίονι κεκλιμένη: δμωαὶ δέ οἱ εἵατ᾽ ὄπισθεν.
ἔνθα δὲ πατρὸς ἐμοῖο θρόνος ποτικέκλιται αὐτῇ,
τῷ ὅ γε οἰνοποτάζει ἐφήμενος ἀθάνατος ὥς.
τὸν παραμειψάμενος μητρὸς περὶ γούνασι χεῖρας
βάλλειν ἡμετέρης, ἵνα νόστιμον ἦμαρ ἴδηαι
χαίρων καρπαλίμως, εἰ καὶ μάλα τηλόθεν ἐσσί.
εἴ κέν τοι κείνη γε φίλα φρονέῃσ᾽ ἐνὶ θυμῷ,
ἐλπωρή τοι ἔπειτα φίλους τ᾽ ἰδέειν καὶ ἱκέσθαι
οἶκον ἐυκτίμενον καὶ σὴν ἐς πατρίδα γαῖαν. }

The “fatherland {πᾰτρῐ́ς}” is merely land. Enlightened persons know that the mother is the power of the household. The mother is the ruler of the place where persons actually live. Nausicaa’s mother Queen Arete held the spot next to the fire’s light.[2] She determined what gets done, and what doesn’t get done. Some men drink in despair at their subordination to their wives. Other men drink in enjoyment of their lack of real, leading responsibilities. In any case, the ancient Phaeacian princess Nausicaa understood gender relations much more truthfully than do most classics scholars today.

The goddess Athena, knowing well women’s power, recognized that Queen Arete was regarded as a goddess. Athena described the mother’s eminence:

Alcinous made Arete his wife,
and honored her more than is honored any other earthly woman
among wives who direct households under their husbands.
Thus she is honored, respected deeply in their hearts,
by her dear children, by Alcinous himself,
and by the people who regard her as a goddess.
They so greet her whenever she goes about the city.
She herself in no way lacks good understanding.
She settles quarrels for those whom she favors, even for men.
If in her heart she is kindly disposed toward you,
then there’s hope that you will see your own people and reach
your high-roofed home and your fatherland.

{ τὴν δʼ Ἀλκίνοος ποιήσατʼ ἄκοιτιν,
καί μιν ἔτισʼ, ὡς οὔ τις ἐπὶ χθονὶ τίεται ἄλλη,
ὅσσαι νῦν γε γυναῖκες ὑπʼ ἀνδράσιν οἶκον ἔχουσιν.
ὣς κείνη περὶ κῆρι τετίμηταί τε καὶ ἔστιν
ἔκ τε φίλων παίδων ἔκ τʼ αὐτοῦ Ἀλκινόοιο
καὶ λαῶν, οἵ μίν ῥα θεὸν ὣς εἰσορόωντες
δειδέχαται μύθοισιν, ὅτε στείχῃσʼ ἀνὰ ἄστυ.
οὐ μὲν γάρ τι νόου γε καὶ αὐτὴ δεύεται ἐσθλοῦ·
ᾗσι τʼ ἐὺ φρονέῃσι καὶ ἀνδράσι νείκεα λύει.
εἴ κέν τοι κείνη γε φίλα φρονέῃσʼ ἐνὶ θυμῷ,
ἐλπωρή τοι ἔπειτα φίλους τʼ ἰδέειν καὶ ἱκέσθαι
οἶκον ἐς ὑψόροφον καὶ σὴν ἐς πατρίδα γαῖαν. }

The last three verses above are a poetic coda that Nausicaa also spoke, except for “well-built home {οἶκον ἐυκτίμενον}” rather than “high-roofed home {οἶκον ἐς ὑψόροφον}.” Nausicaa was speaking about her mother Arete’s control of the household, which Arete kept well. Athena, characterizing Arete as a goddess, evoked the majesty of Arete’s home. Athena and Nausicaa’s shared understanding, which surely was conventional poetic wisdom among the audience of the Odyssey, is that the queen rules the king’s home and determines a guest’s fate.[3]

Odysseus followed Nausicaa’s instructions on how to plead for help. He entered the palace, passed by King Alcinous, and clasped Queen Arete’s knees. He begged her for mercy and for rapid conveyance home. He then pathetically sat down in the ashes of the hearth and dirtied the clothes that Nausicaa had given him to wear. In accordance with the gynocentric practice of social control, Arete said nothing. She waited for men to take the initiative.

Following an appeal from the respected old lord Echeneus, Alcinous called forth Odysseus from the ashes to sit next to him. He promised to have Odysseus conveyed home soon and gave him food and drink. After all had left except Arete, Alcinous, and Odysseus, key information still needed to be established. The de facto leader of the household took the lead in questioning the stranger:

Then white-skinned Arete took the lead in speaking.
She saw and recognized the beautiful clothes, the cloak and tunic,
that she had made with her servant women.
And so she spoke, addressing Odysseus with winged words:
“I myself will ask you the first questions.
Who are you? From where? Who gave you these clothes?
Did you not say you came here in wandering the seas?

{ τοῖσιν δ᾽ Ἀρήτη λευκώλενος ἤρχετο μύθων
ἔγνω γὰρ φᾶρός τε χιτῶνά τε εἵματ᾽ ἰδοῦσα
καλά, τά ῥ᾽ αὐτὴ τεῦξε σὺν ἀμφιπόλοισι γυναιξί:
καί μιν φωνήσασ᾽ ἔπεα πτερόεντα προσηύδα:
“ξεῖνε, τὸ μέν σε πρῶτον ἐγὼν εἰρήσομαι αὐτή:
τίς πόθεν εἰς ἀνδρῶν; τίς τοι τάδε εἵματ᾽ ἔδωκεν;
οὐ δὴ φῆς ἐπὶ πόντον ἀλώμενος ἐνθάδ᾽ ἱκέσθαι.” }[4]

A mother and a queen, Arete was a shrewd observer and a tough questioner. Odysseus, no fool, named himself only as a suffering man. He told only part of his journey and finished with praise for Arete’s daughter Nausicaa:

Then I saw on the shore your daughter’s servant women
playing. Amid them she stood, looking like a goddess.
To her I prayed. She in no way fell short in keen understanding,
such as one would expect to perceive in meeting a younger person,
for younger persons are always thoughtless.
She provided me plentiful bread with sparkling wine
and bathed me in the river and gave me these clothes.
With my sorrows, in this I have told you the truth.

{ ἀμφιπόλους δ᾽ ἐπὶ θινὶ τεῆς ἐνόησα θυγατρὸς
παιζούσας, ἐν δ᾽ αὐτὴ ἔην ἐικυῖα θεῇσι:
τὴν ἱκέτευσ᾽: ἡ δ᾽ οὔ τι νοήματος ἤμβροτεν ἐσθλοῦ,
ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἔλποιο νεώτερον ἀντιάσαντα
ἐρξέμεν: αἰεὶ γάρ τε νεώτεροι ἀφραδέουσιν.
ἥ μοι σῖτον ἔδωκεν ἅλις ἠδ᾽ αἴθοπα οἶνον
καὶ λοῦσ᾽ ἐν ποταμῷ καί μοι τάδε εἵματ᾽ ἔδωκε.
ταῦτά τοι ἀχνύμενός περ ἀληθείην κατέλεξα. }

Alcinous pointed out that Nausicaa hadn’t escorted him to the palace, as a good host should have done. Odysseus defended Nausicaa by attributing that fault to himself:

Your majesty, surely you shouldn’t fault your flawless girl for this.
She did indeed ask me to follow her with her servant women.
But I refused out of fear and shame,
thinking perhaps your heart might fill with anger if you saw such,
for we are quick to anger, we tribes of earthly men.

{ ἥρως, μή τοι τοὔνεκ᾽ ἀμύμονα νείκεε κούρην:
ἡ μὲν γάρ μ᾽ ἐκέλευε σὺν ἀμφιπόλοισιν ἕπεσθαι,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ οὐκ ἔθελον δείσας αἰσχυνόμενός τε,
μή πως καὶ σοὶ θυμὸς ἐπισκύσσαιτο ἰδόντι:
δύσζηλοι γάρ τ᾽ εἰμὲν ἐπὶ χθονὶ φῦλ᾽ ἀνθρώπων. }

In other words, Odysseus claimed to have feared that Alcinous might think that a foreigner had seduced his daughter. That’s plausible, though clearly untrue in this case. However, Alcinous surprisingly wished that Odysseus would marry his daughter Nausicaa:

So I wish — father Zeus, Athena, and Apollo so decreeing —
you being such a man, thinking as I do, that you would
marry my daughter and remaining here, be called
my son. A home and possessions I would give you,
if you would choose to remain here.

{ αἲ γάρ, Ζεῦ τε πάτερ καὶ Ἀθηναίη καὶ Ἄπολλον,
τοῖος ἐὼν οἷός ἐσσι, τά τε φρονέων ἅ τ᾽ ἐγώ περ,
παῖδά τ᾽ ἐμὴν ἐχέμεν καὶ ἐμὸς γαμβρὸς καλέεσθαι
αὖθι μένων: οἶκον δέ κ᾽ ἐγὼ καὶ κτήματα δοίην,
εἴ κ᾽ ἐθέλων γε μένοις }

Why didn’t Odysseus give up his old life and start a new life with the beautiful, young, wealthy, man-welcoming Phaeacian princess Nausicaa? She would have been a dream-romance wife for Odysseus.[5]

Odysseus sees naked Nausicaa with other naked women

Like most men, Odysseus internalized oppressive gender norms. After spending ten years fighting in the brutal, foolish violence against men of the Trojan War, Odysseus sought to return home to his wife Penelope. She was a loyal but rather stolid, middle-aged woman. Nonetheless, Odysseus toiled to return home from the painful Trojan victory without a beautiful, passionate young Trojan woman as a war prize. Odysseus readily slaughtered Trojan men, yet he apparently was reluctant to force a Trojan woman into privileged living as his concubine. Perhaps Odysseus foresaw Clytemnestra plotting to slaughter her husband King Agamemnon after he returned home with the Trojan woman Cassandra. In any case, Odysseus could have started a new life in Phaeacia with the beautiful, young, wealthy, man-welcoming Phaeacian princess Nausicaa. She would have provided him with an end to his travels and toils. She offered him an easy, enjoyable life. Sleeping in royal blankets on the porch of the palace in which Nausicaa lived, Odysseus apparently didn’t even have as much imaginative initiative as did Leopold Bloom in the Nausicaa chapter of James Joyce’s Ulysses.

The epic literary tradition must be recast to resist gynocentric expectations and promote social justice for men. Epic violence against men should not be celebrated, but condemned. Readers of the Aeneid should be taught to recognize structures of anti-men gender oppression in ways that Creusa, Juno, the Danaids, and other women relate to Aeneas and other men. Men must liberate their gender imagination in reading epic literature, whether through satire, elegy, or even dream romance.[6] Suffering men should be able to imagine no longer struggling to return home. They should be able to imagine burning their ships and starting a new life with a woman like Nausicaa. For a much more modest ambition to promote social justice, encouraging men to rise to overcome the gender gap in reading literary fiction might start with better reading of the Homeric epics.

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Notes:

[1] Odyssey 6.127-9, Greek text of Murray (1919) via Perseus, my English translation, benefiting from those of id., Fagles (1996), and Lombardo (2000). Odysseus came ashore on the island of Scheria {Σχερία}, also known as Phaeacia {Φαιακία}.

Odysseus has reason to fear for his genitals. Hermes had earlier warned him that Circe would seek to castrate him. Odyssey 10.297-301. On that passage and the threat to Odysseus genitals, Gutglueck (1987).

Odysseus crawling out from under the thicket is ironically characterized as “god-like.” Moreover, an extended simile compares him to a mountain lion on hunt for food. Odyssey 6.130-4. While Odysseus needed food, he longingly sought transport home. Only the technological and organizational capabilities of civilization could provide that for him.

Subsequent quotes from the Odyssey are similarly sourced. They are: 6.135-8 (So Odysseus was about to mix…), 6.199-200 (Stop, servant girls….), 6.175-9 (Have pity…), 6.187-90 (Stranger, you seem not…), 6.191-4 (But now, since you have come…), 6.182-4 (No gift is better…), 6.68-70 (I wouldn’t deprive you…), 6.218-22 (Servant women, stand away…), 6.239-46 (Listen to me, white-skinned servant women…), 6.303-15 (When the house and courtyard…), 7.66-77 (Alcinous made Arete his wife…), 7.233-9 (Then white-skinned Arete…), 7.290-7 (Then I saw on the shore…), 7.303-7 (Your majesty, surely, don’t fault…), 7.311-5 (So I wish…).

[2] Arete’s name itself signals her eminence:

Arete’s name is well suited to her role. A verbal adjective from aráomai, “to pray,” the name Ἀρήτη (masculine Ἄρητος) means “prayed for,” as of a late-born child long “prayed for” by its parents. This meaning fits Arete, who was the only child of her father Rhexenor, who is now dead. But the name also suggests the meaning “prayed to,” and this fits Arete’s real role, which is to be supplicated by Odysseus. The name is a perfect combination of overt and suggested meanings, corresponding to the queen’s overt and hidden roles.

Frame (2009), pp. 351-2 (Chapter 8, section 3.11), notes omitted. Ἀρήτη might also be interpreted as a pun with ᾰ̓ρετή, meaning “excellence.”

[3] Ahl & Roisman (1996), Ch. 2, engages in complex ideological speculations and doesn’t give adequate weight to oral performance in interpreting Arete’s status. Id. evokes Platt’s seminal critique:

Whenever the author ‘writes’ from ‘her’ own observation, she purposely changes names and throws an air of mystery over everything; whenever the names are real, it is a sign that the author did not know the places!

Platt (1893) p. 254-5. Whittaker by fiat resolves the issue of Arete’s power:

it is clearly Alcinous who is in charge. Except for a few interventions, Arete remains in the background.

Whittaker (1999) p. 141. Remaining in the background is consistent with controlling what goes on in the foreground. Whittaker associated women’s dominance with a “fairy tale world.” Woman can be dominant both in fairy tale worlds and in the Homeric world.

Prior to the modern period, matriarchy was commonly recognized. Some scholars have strained to discern archaic matriarchy in the Homeric epics, e.g. Hirvonen (1968). The need for such an effort defies common sense. Scholars who grotesquely misunderstand gender today have no credibility in interpreting gender in the Homeric world.

[4] Ahl & Roisman (1996), pp. 59-60, claims that Nausicaa {Ναυσικάα} gave Odysseus wedding clothes that Queen Arete had sewn. But at the time Nausicaa set out clothes for Odysseus, she found him unattractive. Odyssey 6.243. If Odysseus we wearing wedding finery that Queen Arete had sewn, he surely would have badly insulted her by sitting in ashes while wearing them.

[5] As Odysseus prepared to return home, Nausicaa again forlornly admired his masculine beauty after he had bathed. She said farewell to him and added: “you owe me first the price of your life {μοι πρώτῃ ζωάγρι᾿ ὀφέλλει}.” Odyssey 8.460. That price is the value of his old life. She implicitly evokes the value of the dream-romance life he lost by leaving her. But Odysseus seems incapable of imagining a new life. He responded:

Nausicaa, daughter of great-hearted Alcinous,
may father Zeus, loud-thundering husband of Hera,
grant that I reach home and see the day of my return.
Then, even there, I will pray to you as to a goddess
always and forever, for you brought me back to life, young woman.

{ Ναυσικάα, θύγατερ μεγαλήτορος Ἀλκινόοιο,
οὕτω νῦν Ζεὺς θείη, ἐρίγδουπος πόσις Ἥρης,
οἴκαδέ τ’ ἐλθέμεναι καὶ νόστιμον ἦμαρ ἰδέσθαι·
τῶ κέν τοι καὶ κεῖθι θεῷ ὣς εὐχετοῴμην
αἰεὶ ἤματα πάντα· σὺ γάρ μ’ ἐβιώσαο, κούρη. }

Odyssey 8.464-8.

[6] The Odyssey hasn’t been read from a meninist perspective. To the extent that gender has been considered in relation to the Odyssey, the analysis has been resolutely gynocentric. That limitation lessens the critical value of the epic.

Gynocentrism in considering gender in relation to the Odyssey has a long history. Following the ancient pattern that Propertius illustrated, Samuel Butler in late nineteenth-century London argued that a woman authored the Odyssey. In a lecture to the Working Men’s College in London in January 30, 1892, Butler declared:

If I am right, as I believe I am, in holding the Odyssey to have been written by a young woman, was ever sleeping beauty more effectually concealed behind a more impenetrable hedge of dulness?

Butler, “The Humour of Homer,” printed in Butler (1913) p. 97. The dullness to which Butler refers is that of literary critics: “Can there be any more scathing satire upon the value of literary criticism?” Id. In a lecture to the Somerville Club, a club for women, Butler in 1893 declared:

If people would read the poem slowly, intelligently, & without commentary, forgetting all past criticism until they have looked at the matter with their own eyes, I cannot think they would have much doubt that they were reading a woman’s masterpiece not a man’s.

Via St. John’s College, Cambridge, which holds Butler’s archive. In 1897, Butler elaborated at book length about the woman, presenting herself in the figure of Nausicaa, who authored the Odyssey. Butler declared:

surely if the Odyssey has charmed us as a man’s work, its charm and wonder are infinitely increased when we see it as a woman’s.

Butler (1897) p. 269. Butler applied fundamentally different standard’s in judging women’s and men’s literary works:

It should go, however, without saying that much which is charming in a woman’s work would be ridiculous in a man’s, and this is eminently exemplified in the Odyssey. If a woman wrote it, it is as lovely as the frontispiece of this volume, and becomes, if less vigorous, yet assuredly more wonderful than the Iliad; if, on the other hand, it is by a man, the half Bayeux tapestry, half Botticelli’s Venus rising from the sea, or Primavera, feeling with which it impresses us gives place to astonishment how any man could have written it. What is a right manner for a woman is a wrong one for a man, and vice versa.

Id. p. 11. Butler’s claim about Nausicaa representing the authoress of the Odyssey was “the culmination of an artfully stoked controversy” over the prior six years. Whitmarsh (2002) p. 75. Graves (1955) and Dalby (2006) followed Butler’s insight into the discursive value of claiming that a woman authored the Odyssey.

portrait of Nausicaa, according to Butler

Butler’s work and its reception points to the urgent need for classics to be inclusive and welcoming of meninist literary criticism. Butler, learned in classics, translated both the Iliad and the Odyssey into English. Over the subsequent century, Butler became enshrined in elite academia. Whitmarsh (2002) pp. 82-5. Two academic classicists revised Butler’s translation of the Odyssey for world-wide dissemination. Butler, Power & Nagy (1900). Considering gendered readings of Homer, a classicist recently declared:

In working on this project I had to confront my own assumptions about gender and approaches to Homeric poetry. As I read these several studies of the Odyssey, I found myself desiring a genderless Homer—wouldn’t that be easier? It is all too safe and easy to ignore gender in Homeric studies even today, so I could continue on with a subconscious but wrongheaded notion of a genderless Homer, but instead I hope to capitalize on that realization with a greater awareness and articulation of my own gender assumptions. Although the notion of the cross-gender appeal of the Homeric epics has the inherent danger of naive complicity in the old gender ideology, it also holds the possibility for the expansion of boundaries or limitations defined by gender.

Ebbott (2005). Ebbott’s assumptions about gender and Homeric epic seem to be built on anti-meninist belief in “underlying and ultimately inescapable misogyny of the male-authored epic.” Id. Many classicists, e.g. Gainsford (2018), irrationally continue to support that dominant myth.

A contemporary critic more astutely challenged Butler. Writing to Butler on Nov. 1, 1884, Miss E. M. A. Savage condemned his lying. Noting the contemporary existence of a woman who was “a man-hater,” Miss Savage noted:

Like many, perhaps I should say most, of the members of the Somerville Club, she does not like her husband, and the very first time I saw her she told me of his iniquities with details that are usually suppressed.

Letter printed in Jones (1919), vol. 1, p. 427. Samuel Butler, not surprisingly, declared to the Somerville Club that the Odyssey has been wrongfully attributed to a man while a woman actually wrote it.

The Somerville Club was a club for women founded in London in 1878. Panegyrics for the woman geologist Catherine Raisin claim that she founded the Somerville Club in 1880. But that doesn’t seem to be true. The Somerville Club seems to have been an initiative of women of Somerville College, Oxford. This elite-founded club apparently welcomed poor and working-class women. In 1887, it was re-established as the New Somerville Club. By 1908, the club had vanished. Crawford (2001) p. 128.

[images] (1) Athena arranging the meeting between Odysseus and Nausicaa. Painting on Attic, red-figure amphora made c. 440 BGC. Found at Vulci, Italy. Vase preserved as item 8957437815 in the Staatliche Antikensammlungen (Munich, Germany). Source image thanks to Carole Raddato and Wikimedia Commons. Here’s documentation of all the imagery on this vase. (2) Ulysses (Odysseus) and Nausicaa meeting on the riverbank. Painting by Jean Veber. Painted in 1888. Via Wikimedia Commons. (3) Odysseus gazing at Nausicaa and her bathing servants. Painting by William McGregor Paxton. Painted before 1937. Via Wikimedia Commons. (4) Portrait of a woman (called Musa Polimnia) made in the first half of the sixteenth century, thought to be a copy or imitation of a ancient Roman painting. Image via Accademia Etrusca di Cortona Archivio Digitale. Samuel Butler used this portrait as the frontispiece to Butler (1897). Butler stated:

My frontispiece is taken by the kind permission of the Messrs. Alinari of Florence, from their photograph of a work in the museum at Cortona called La Musa Polinnia. It is on slate and burnt, is a little more than half life size, and is believed to be Greek, presumably of about the Christian era, but no more precise date can be assigned to it.

Butler (1897) p. vii.

References:

Ahl, Frederick, and Hanna Roisman. 1996. The Odyssey Re-Formed. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.

Butler, Samuel. 1897. The Authoress of the Odyssey, where and when she wrote, who she was, the use she made of the Iliad, and how the poem grew under her hands. London: Longmans. (1922 reprint)

Butler, Samuel, trans. and Power, Timothy and Gregory Nagy, rev. 1900. Homer. Odyssey. A. C. Fifield, London.

Butler, Samuel, ed. by Henry Festing Jones, and R. A. Streatfeild. 1913. The Humour of Homer, and other Essays. London: A.C. Fifield.

Crawford, Elizabeth. 2001. The Women’s Suffrage Movement: a reference guide, 1866-1928. London: Routledge.

Dalby, Andrew. 2006. Rediscovering Homer: inside the origins of the epic. New York: W.W. Norton.

Ebbott, Mary. 2005. “Butler’s Authoress of the Odyssey: Gendered Readings of Homer, Then and Now.” Classics@3: The Homerizon; Conceptual Interrogations in Homeric Studies. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies.

Fagles, Robert, trans. 1996. Homer. The Odyssey. New York: Penguin Publishing Group.

Frame, Douglas. 2009. Hippota Nestor. Hellenic Studies Series 37. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies.

Gainsford, Peter. 2018. “The authoress of the Odyssey.” Kiwi Hellenist: Modern myths about the ancient world. Online, May 23, 2018.

Graves, Robert. 1955. Homer’s daughter. London: Cassell & Co. Ltd.

Gutglueck, John. 1987. “A Detestable Encounter in Odyssey VI.” The Classical Journal. 83 (2): 97-102.

Hirvonen, Kaarle. 1968. Matriarchal Survivals and Certain Trends in Homer’s Female Characters. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia.

Jones, Henry Festing. 1919. Samuel Butler, Author of Erewhon, 1835-1902: a memoir. London: Mamillan. (vol. 1; vol. 2)

Lombardo, Stanley, trans. 2000. Homer. Odyssey. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Co.

Murray, A. T., ed. and trans., revised by George E. Dimock. 1919. Homer. Odyssey. Volume I: Books 1-12. Loeb Classical Library 105. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Platt, Arthur. 1893. “Review: Butler’s Trapanese Origin of the OdysseyOn the Trapanese Origin of the Odyssey. By Samuel Butler. Cambridge: Metcalfe. 1893.” The Classical Review. 7 (6): 254-255.

Whitmarsh, Tim. 2002. “What Samuel Butler saw: Classics, authorship and Cultural Authority in late Victorian England.” Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society. 48: 66-86.

Whittaker, Helene. 1999. “The status of Arete in the Phaeacian episode of the Odyssey.” Symbolae Osloenses. 74 (1): 140-150.

Jerome & Augustine valued men’s sexuality against Galli servants

Two thousand years ago, traditional Roman beliefs included foundational gynocentric privileging of the Sabine women. Even worse, Roman religion embraced a theogony in which the earth goddess successfully schemed to have her husband castrated. Castrated young men called Galli served this earth goddess in prominent temples. Among mortals, Roman women gained judicial favor merely by baring their breasts. Roman men, in contrast, had to suffer war wounds on their chests to receive public acclaim. Recognizing men’s disadvantaged social position in relation to women, Roman men, like many men even more so today, were reluctant to marry. Jerome and Augustine, highly learned fourth-century figures later honored as Christian saints, insisted on the importance of men’s sexuality against Roman castration culture and Roman gynocentrism.

Jerome valued highly marital, heterosexual intercourse, but he valued virginity more highly. Jerome had an earthy sense of humor. He passionately engaged in theological arguments. Moreover, Jerome had many women friends and frequently communicated with them. In 414, Jerome wrote to the young Roman woman Demetrias. Although ranking “first in Rome in nobility of lineage and wealth {nobilitate et divitiis prima est in orbe Romano},” she had taken up the vocation of a Christian virgin. Jerome urged Demetrias to follow her vocation so as to obtain the life of angels:

 A young woman’s passionate heat is extinguished by Heaven’s dew and the chill of fasts. That enables her in her human body to obtain in her virgin spirit the life of angels. About this, the chosen vessel of virginity Paul himself said that he has no commandment of the Lord. But you should not exercise what is your birthright. You should behave contrary to nature, or rather beyond nature. You should destroy in yourself your root origin, gather solely fruits of virginity, know not the marriage bed, shiver at all physical contact with men, and act in your body to live outside your body.

{ in animo virginali, rore coelesti, et jejuniorum frigore, calor puellaris extinguitur, et in humano corpore, angelorum impetratur conversatio. Quam ob rem et vas electionis de virginibus se dicit Domini non habere praeceptum, quia contra naturam, imo ultra naturam est, non exercere quod nata sis: interficere in te radicem tuam, et sola virginitatis poma decerpere, nescire thorum, omnem virorum horrere contactum, et in corpore vivere sine corpore. }[1]

Jerome recognized young women’s “passionate heat {calor}.” He implies that women, like men, are entitled by birthright to fulfilling sexual relations. Moreover, his reference to Demetrias’s “root origin {radix}” implicitly refers to the vitally important work of a skillful penis. “To shiver {horrere}” at all physical contract with men suggests virginal sexual responsiveness. In fact, the Latin verb horreo is etymologically associated with “standing erect” and enjoyment. Jerome understood and respected life in the body for both women and men. But he praised and supported Demetrias in seeking to obtain, while still in her body, the life of angels.

Great Mother goddess Cybele

To Jerome, virginity meant passionate devotion to God, exclusive of human sexual relations. Jerome followed that vocation himself. In a letter he wrote in 384, Jerome explained to Eustochium, the daughter of a wealthy Roman senator:

“Increase and multiply.” This command was fulfilled after paradise and nakedness and fig-leaves signifying itching for nuptials. Let them marry and be given in marriage, those who by the sweat of their brow eat their bread, whose earth generates thistles and thorns, whose pasture chokes with brambles. My fertile seed is fruitful a hundredfold. “Not all can seize God’s saying, but only those to whom it is given.” Others are made eunuchs by necessity. I am one by my will. “There is a time for embracing and a time for abstaining from joining hands, a time for casting stones and a time for gathering.”

{ “Crescite et multiplicamini.” Hoc expletur edictum post paradisum et nuditatem et ficus folia auspicantia pruriginem nuptiarum. Nubat et nubatur ille, qui in sudore faciei comedit panem suum, cui terra tribulos generat et spinas, cuius herba sentibus suffocatur: meum semen centena fruge fecundum est. “Non omnes capiunt verbum Dei, sed hi quibus datum est.” Alium eunuchum necessitas faciat, me voluntas. “Tempus et amplexandi et tempus abstinendi manus a conplexu; tempus mittendi lapides et tempus colligendi.” }[2]

Expelled from paradisaical Eden, ordinary women and men work and marry as their circumstances require. Yet the world also includes others — highly privileged Roman women “who surround themselves with troops of eunuchs {quas eunuchorum greges saepiunt}.”[3] Jerome wasn’t a fawning, sexless eunuch seeking material benefits through closely serving a wealthy woman. Jerome valued seminal fruitfulness. He also recognized an alternate way for such fruitfulness. With manly bravado, Jerome bragged that his fertile seed was a hundredfold fruitful in witnessing to the good news of Jesus Christ. Given the seminal influence of Jerome’s Vulgate bible translation, Jerome arguably under-estimated by a large margin his spiritual fruitfulness.[4] Just as he advised Demetrias, Jerome led an angelic life. He led a life like that of the angel Gabriel announcing the incarnation of a fully masculine male in Mary’s womb.

Augustine even more vehemently insisted on the importance of men’s seminal capabilities. He ridiculed the traditional gynocentric Roman religious practice of worshiping the Great Mother earth goddess:

No doubt there is a single earth. The one we see is full of its living creatures. It is also a great body within the lowest part of the world’s elements. Why do Romans wish to make it a goddess? Because it is fruitful? Then why is it not better to regard as gods human beings, who render the earth more fruitful by cultivation — that is, by plowing the earth, not worshiping her? But they say that the part of the world soul that permeates the earth makes her a goddess. As if a soul were not more evident in human beings, where its existence is not questioned! Yet human beings are not regarded as gods.

{ Nempe una est terra, quam plenam quidem videmus animalibus suis, verum tamen ipsam magnum corpus in elementis mundique infimam partem. Cur eam volunt deam? An quia fecunda est? Cur ergo non magis homines dii sunt, qui eam fecundiorem faciunt excolendo; sed cum arant, non cum adorant? Sed pars animae mundi, inquiunt, quae per illam permeat, deam facit. Quasi non evidentior sit in hominibus anima, quae utrum sit nulla fit quaestio; et tamen homines dii non habentur }[5]

Castrated men known as Galli served the earth goddess in traditional Roman religious rituals intended to bring about fruitful harvests. Augustine highlighted the absurdity of destroying men’s seminal blessing to perform gynocentric religious rituals for fruitfulness:

The castrated Galli serve this great goddess in order to signify that those who lack seed should follow after the earth. Is it not rather this service that caused the Galli to lack seed? Do they by following this goddess acquire seed that they lack? Or are they by following her deprived of seed that they had? … If the earth were not a goddess, men would lay their hands on her to obtain by work seeds from her. Men would not savagely lay hands on themselves in order to lose their seed for her sake. If the earth were not a goddess, she would be made fruitful by the hands of others, without forcing a man to be made sterile by his own hands.

{ Itane propterea Galli abscisi huic Magnae deae serviunt ut significent qui semine indigeant terram sequi oportere; quasi non eos ipsa potius servitus semine faciat indigere? Utrum enim sequendo hanc deam, cum indigeant, semen adquirunt, an potius sequendo hanc deam, cum habeant, semen amittunt? … Si dea terra non esset, manus ei homines operando inferrent ut semina consequerentur per illam, non et sibi saeviendo ut semina perderent propter illam; si dea non esset, ita fecunda fieret manibus alienis ut non cogeret hominem sterilem fieri manibus suis. }

Attis dancing for Great Mother goddess Cybele

The first of the Galli was a beautiful young man named Attis. The earth goddess murdered Attis’s girlfriend. He then castrated himself. Traditional Roman religion naturalized this story of violence and sexual oppression of men:

Because the earth’s face is more beautiful in spring than in other seasons, Porphyrius, a famous philosopher, asserted that Attis symbolized flowers. Attis for that reason was castrated because the flower falls before the fruit. The man or quasi-man called Attis himself was not therefore compared with a flower, but rather his male genitals. His genitals while he remained alive indeed fell to earth. Or actually, they did not fall, nor were they picked off, but they were plainly torn away. When that flower was lost, no fruit followed afterwards, but rather sterility. What then about this remnant, what remained after his castration? What does one say this signifies? To what does it refer? What interpretation is henceforth offered?

{ Propter vernalem quippe faciem terrae, quae ceteris est temporibus pulchrior, Porphyrius, philosophus nobilis, Attin flores significare perhibuit, et ideo abscisum quia flos decidit ante fructum. Non ergo ipsum hominem vel quasi hominem, qui est vocatus Attis, sed virilia eius flori comparaverunt. Ipsa quippe illo vivente deciderunt; immo vero non deciderunt neque decerpta, sed plane discerpta sunt; nec illo flore amisso quisquam postea fructus, sed potius sterilitas consecuta est. Quid ergo ipse reliquus, et quidquid remansit absciso? Quid eo significari dicitur? Quo refertur? Quae interpretatio inde profertur? }

The answers to Augustine’s questions are obvious: Attis’s castration and the sackless Galli serving the earth goddess signify oppressive castration culture and totalitarian gynocentrism. Augustine castigated the appalling degeneration of human reason that generated the Galli:

How much better and more honorable to read Plato’s books in a temple of Plato than that in temples of demons the Galli should be castrated and the effeminate consecrated, that madmen should cut themselves, and whatever other cruel or shameful or shamefully cruel or cruelly shameful ugliness should be customarily celebrated in the sacrifices of such gods!

{ Quanto melius et honestius in Platonis templo libri eius legerentur quam in templis daemonum Galli absciderentur, molles consecrarentur, insani secarentur, et quidquid aliud vel crudele vel turpe, vel turpiter crudele vel crudeliter turpe in sacris talium deorum celebrari solet! }

Augustine rejected the ugly Roman goddess of castration culture. The troops of eunuchs serving wealthy Roman women were the secular counterpart to castrated Galli serving the earth goddess. Jerome urged Demetrias and Eustochium not to be like those women. You too should reject castration culture and goddess worship.[6]

Resisting castration culture requires concerted effort. In reasonable understanding, Jewish law forbid even just injuring the organ of seminal blessing in any animal:

You shall not offer to the Lord any animal that has its testicles bruised or crushed or torn or cut, nor shall you do this within your land. [7]

{ omne animal quod vel contritis vel tunsis vel sectis ablatisque testiculis est non offeretis Domino et in terra vestra hoc omnino ne faciatis }

{ וּמָע֤וּךְ וְכָתוּת֙ וְנָת֣וּק וְכָר֔וּת לֹ֥א תַקְרִ֖יבוּ לַֽיהוָ֑ה
וּֽבְאַרְצְכֶ֖ם לֹ֥א תַעֲשֽׂוּ׃ }

Jewish law honored a man’s penis as well as his testicles:

No man whose testicles have been crushed or whose penis has been cut off shall enter the Lord’s assembly.

{ non intrabit eunuchus adtritis vel amputatis testiculis et absciso veretro ecclesiam Domini }

{ לֹֽא־יָבֹ֧א פְצֽוּעַ־דַּכָּ֛א וּכְר֥וּת שָׁפְכָ֖ה בִּקְהַ֥ל יְהוָֽה׃ ס }

The seminal blessing is central to Jewish understanding of the relationship between God and his people. Jewish law represents injury to male genitals as an insult to God.

Archigallus making sacrifice to Great Mother goddess Cybele

Despite the importance of Jewish law to Christianity, some Christian priests faltered under the horrible historical legacy of Roman castration culture and gynocentrism. In 325 in Nicaea in Bithynia (present-day Turkey), the first world council of Christian bishops established a canon law against clerical self-castration:

If anyone due to sickness has undergone a surgical operation, or if he has been castrated by barbarians, he is allowed to remain among the clergy. But if anyone enrolled among the clergy has castrated himself when in perfect health, it is agreed that he must leave the ministry. From now on, no such person should be promoted to the clergy. But since this applies only to those who willfully castrate themselves, if anyone has been made a eunuch by barbarians, or by his master, and is otherwise fit for office, church law admits him to the clergy.

{ Si quis in morbo a medicis excisus, vel a barbaris exsectus est, is maneat in clero. Si quis autem sanus seipsum abscidit, hunc, etiam in clero constitutum, abstinere convenit, et deinceps nullum talem promoveri oportet. Sicut autem hoc manifestum est, quod de iis qui de industria hoc agunt, audentque seipsos abscindere, dictum est: ita si qui vel a barbaris, vel a dominis eunuchi facti sunt, et ii alioqui digni inveniantur, tales in clerum admittit canon. }

{ Εἴτις ἐν νόσῷ ὑπὸ ἰατρῶν ἐχειρουργήθη, ἢ ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἐξετμήθη, οὗτος μενέτω ἐν τῶ, κλήρῳ· εἰ δέ τις ὑγιαίνων ἑαυτὸν ἐξέτεμε, τοῦτον καὶ ἐν τῷ κλήρῷ ἐξεταζόμενον πεπαῦσθαι προσήκει· καὶ ἐκ τοῦ δεῦρο μηδένα τῶν τοιούτων χρῆναι προάγεσθαι. Ὤσπερ δὲ τοῦτο πρόδηλον, ὅτι περὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευόντων τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τολμώντων ἑαυτοὺς ἐκτέμνειν, εἴρηται, οὕτως εἴτινες ὑπὸ βαρβάρων ἢ δεσποτῶν εὐνουχίσθησαν, εὑρίσκοιντο ἄλλως ἄξιοι, τοὺς τοιούτους εἰς κλῆρον προσίεται ὁ κανών. }[8]

Jesus recognized that some men castrate themselves for the sake of the kingdom of Heaven. That group includes men who castrate themselves not literally, but in the effective sense of refusing to act on their sexual desire in order to ensure that they can freely worship God. At the same time, Jesus regarded as beneath mentioning those men who castrate themselves for worldly advantage in gynocentric society.[9] Through canon law, the early Christian bishops foreclosed the clergy from the careerist self-castrators common in royal courts and among today’s university administrators.

Castration culture is intimately intertwined with disparagement of men’s sexuality. For example, early in the thirteenth century, a monk from Clairvaux named Bernard repeatedly experienced sexual desire for a woman. He strongly opposed this desire, but finally decided that he had to give up being a monk, “because he could not be without a woman {eo quod non posset carere muliere}.” Bernard’s prior urged him to remain at the monastery for one more night. That night Bernard had a terrible dream:

Just after the monk had fallen asleep, behold, he saw at a distance a horrible man who looked like an executioner. Hastening toward him, the man held in his hand a long knife. A huge black dog followed him. At this sight, the monk trembled, not surprisingly. The man, seizing him violently, cut off his genitals and threw them to the dog. The dog immediately devoured them. Waking up from the horror of this vision, the monk thought that he had been castrated. Indeed his condition was so, and yet not by a material knife as the vision showed, but by spiritual grace.

{ Vix tenuiter obdormierat, et ecce conspexit eminus virum horribilem in effigie carnificis ad se properantem, et cultellum longum in manu tenentem, sequebaturque eum canis magnus et niger. Quo viso contremuit. Nec mirum. Ille vero multum impetuose arreptis eius genitalibus abscidit, canique proiecit. Quae mox ille devoravit. Evigilans autem ex horrore visionis, putabat se fuisse eunuchizatum. Quod revera ita erat, et si non ut visio ostendit cultro materiali, gratia tamen spirituali. }[10]

Men have long been disparaged as being sexually like dogs. Cutting off the monk’s genitals and throwing them to a “huge black dog {canis magnus et niger}” symbolically excised the socially constructed bestial aspect of the man’s sexuality. Once his sexuality’s bestial form had been consumed, the monk no longer was tormented with sexual desire for a woman. That suggests that the drive underlying his sexual desire for a woman was desire to have his sexuality affirmed in action as source of joy.[11] More generally, disparagement of men’s genitals hurts men’s sexual freedom and prompts them to seek castration, either figuratively or literally.

The ideological apparatus of gynocentrism and castration culture has induced many women and men today to refer to men’s genitals as “junk.” Those women and men are acting as ancient Roman adherents to the cult of the earth goddess and her castrated servants the Galli. Most men in the center of their being understand castration to be a horror. Most women value the seminal blessing that comes through men. The learned, critical analysis of Jerome and Augustine has enduring value. The barren cultural legacy of the Roman earth goddess and her castrated Galli servants must be consciously recognized and affirmatively resisted.[12]

*  *  *  *  *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] Jerome, Epistle 130 (To Demetrias) section 10, Latin text from Hilberg (1910) via Epistolae: Medieval Women’s Letters, my English translation, benefiting from those of Freemantle (1892) and Amy Oh. The prior short quote is from section 1 of this letter.

Freemantle favors the reading jejuniorum rigore {rigor of fasts} relative to the alternate jejuniorum frigore {chill of fasts}. But the context suggests a rhetorical contrast with passionate heat. Moreover, the next section of the letter disavows immoderata jejunia {immoderate fasts}. Hence above I’ve used the reading jejuniorum frigore.

In Acts 9:15, the Lord describes Paul of Tarsus, who turned from persecuting Christians, to be a chosen vessel of the Lord. In discussing whether Christians should marry, Paul in 1 Corinthians 7:25 says that he has no commandment from the Lord. Paul himself apparently was married and then became and remained a widower. Burk (2018).

[2] Jerome, Epistle 22 (To Eustochium) section 19, Latin text from Wright (1933) pp. 90, 92, my English translation, benefiting from that of id. and Freemantle (1892). Jerome quotes Latin translations of Genesis 1:28, Matthew 19:11, and Ecclesiastes 3:5. I translate the Latin text of these quotations as given by Jerome. The quotation marks are editorial. Christian readers of Jerome’s letter would have recognized his quotations without any punctuation.

[3] Jerome, Epistle 22 (To Eustochium) section 16, sourced as previously.

[4] Jerome’s invocation of being a hundredfold fruitful comes from the Gospels’ parable of the sower, specifically Matthew 13:23.

[5] Augustine, On the city of God against the pagans {De civitate Dei contra paganos} (The City of God) 7.23, Latin text from Green (1963), my English translation, benefiting from that of id. and Dods, Wilson & Smith (1871). The subsequent three quotes are similarly from Augustine’s De civitate Dei 7.24, 7.25, and 2.7. Augustine disseminated De civitate Dei by books between 413 and probably 427.

Prudentius also assailed men castrating themselves to serve the Great Mother goddess. In his account of St. Romanus’s martyrdom, Prudentius has Romanus, while he’s being viciously tortured, condemn the senseless brutality of traditional Roman goddess worship:

There are sacred rites in which you break down your very self,
and with maimed limbs offer your pain.
The divine fanatic thrusts a knife into his arms
and cuts his limbs to propitiate the Mother goddess.
Whirling frenzy is thought to be the order of her mystery;
sparing from proper cutting is held up as impiety.
The severity of wounds determines the merit for Heaven.
Yet another one here dedicates his genitals,
appeasing the goddess by cutting them away from his groin.
This semi-man offers a shameful gift to the goddess,
plucking off that which provides male seed.
Both sexes are displeasing to the holy goddess,
so he holds to a medium between the two types.
He ceases to be a man while not becoming a woman.
The Mother of gods enjoys herself with beardless
servants by means of a well-ground razor.

{ sunt sacra quando vosmet ipsi exciditis,
votivus et cum membra detruncat dolor.
cultrum in lacertos exerit fanaticus
sectisque Matrem bracchiis placat deam,
furere ac rotari ius putatur mysticum;
parca ad secandum dextra fertur inpia,
caelum meretur vulnerum crudelitas.
ast hic metenda dedicat genitalia,
numen reciso mitigans ab inguine
offert pudendum semivir donum deae:
illam revulsa masculini germinis
vena effluenti pascit auctam sanguine.
uterque sexus sanctitati displicet,
medium retentat inter alternum genus,
mas esse cessat ille, nee fit femina.
felix deorum mater inberbes sibi
parat ministros levibus novaculis. }

Prudentius, Book about the Crowns {Liber Peristephanon} 10, The Declarations of Saint Romanus the Martyr against the Pagans {Sancti Romani Martyris contra Gentiles Dicta}, vv. 1059-75, Latin text from Thomson (1949) vol. 2, pp. 298, 300, my English translation, benefiting from that of id.

[6] With admirable courage and vigor in addressing sexual violence against men, Augustine further denounced the Great Mother earth goddess:

The Great Mother triumphed over all her children gods not with greatness of divinity, but with greatness of crimes. To this monster not even the monstrosity of Janus compares. Janus had deformity only in his appearance. The Great Mother had deformed cruelty in sacred rites. He had members added in stone. She had testicles lost from men. … this Great Mother of the Gods even brought her castrated men into Roman temples and has maintained that savage practice. Cutting off the manliness of Roman men is believed to add to Rome’s power. Compared to this evil, what are Mercury’s thefts, Venus’s lasciviousness, and the rapes and disgraces of others?

{ Vicit Matris Magnae omnes deos filios non numinis magnitudo, sed criminis. Huic monstro nec Iani monstrositas comparatur. Ille in simulacris habebat solam deformitatem, ista in sacris deformem crudelitatem; ille membra in lapidibus addita, haec in hominibus perdita. … ista Magna deorum Mater etiam Romanis templis castratos intulit atque istam saevitiam moremque servavit, credita vires adiuvare Romanorum exsecando virilia virorum. Quid sunt ad hoc malum furta Mercurii, Veneris lascivia, stupra ac turpitudines ceterorum }

De civitate De 7.26, sourced as previous quotes from Augustine. Here are explorations of historical sources on the Great Mother Cybele and Attis.

Men’s tendency to treat women as goddesses is well established in literary history. Seeking to win her favor, Odysseus greeted Nausicaa:

I clasp your knees, my queen — are you a goddess or a mortal?
If you are a goddess, one of those who rule the broad heaven,
to Artemis, the daughter of great Zeus,
I liken you most nearly in looks, stature and lithe form.

{ γουνοῦμαί σε, ἄνασσα· θεός νύ τις, ἦ βροτός ἐσσι;
εἰ μέν τις θεός ἐσσι, τοὶ οὐρανὸν εὐρὺν ἔχουσιν,
Ἀρτέμιδί σε ἐγώ γε, Διὸς κούρῃ μεγάλοιο,
εἶδός τε μέγεθός τε φυήν τ᾿ ἄγχιστα ἐίσκω· }

Homer, Odyssey 6.149-52, ancient Greek text and English translation (with my changes) from Murray (1919). Uncaring about men’s abasement to women, Dronke suggested that such a “gambit” shouldn’t be taken seriously. Dronke (1965) vol. 1, p. 212.

Men’s prevalent practice of regarding women as goddess should be taken seriously. Writing to Abbess Cecilia of Normandy in early twelfth-century France, Hildebert of Lavardin began:

He who is accustomed to be more skillfully speaking than Cicero before men,
is less eloquent when he comes before gods.
Thus I, while among common persons, speak with a skill mouth,
I am able to say little to your face.
Your majestic bearing stupifies. All about my wandering
eye ran. I thought you must be a goddess.

{ Qui solet ante homines Cicerone disserior esse,
facundus minus est, cum venit ante deos.
sic ego, cum medio plebi loquor ore diserto,
in vultu potui dicere pauca tuo.
maiestate tua stupui, totamque vagenti
percurrens oculo, sum ratus esse deam. }

Hildebert of Lavardin, Short Songs {Carmina minora} 46.1-6, “Verses to Ceclia, Abbess of Caen {Versus ad Ceciliam abbatissam Cathomi},” Latin text from Scott (1969) p. 37, my English translation, benefiting from those Dronke (1965) vol. 1, p. 212, and Otter (2001) p. 103. Cecilia of Normandy was the eldest daughter of William I (William the Conqueror). She became Abbess of the Abbey of the Holy Trinty of Caen / Women’s Abbey {Abbaye de la Sainte-Trinité de Caen / Abbaye aux Dames} in 1113. She died in 1127. Previously, Patrologia Latina 117, col. 1443, attributed this song to be “to a queen of England {Ad Angliae reginam}.” Baudri of Bourgueil similarly described Countess Adela of Blois, the youngest daughter of William the Conqueror, as more beautiful than the goddess Diana. Baudri of Bourgueil, “About Countess Adela {Adelae Comitissae},” v. 88, English trans. in Otter (2001).

While recognizing grounds for men’s sexed protest, Hildebert clearly understood the value of depicting women as goddesses in gynocentric society. Writing to Adela of England, Countess of Blois, Hildebert declared:

He is foolish and sins who equates you to mortals.
It is little in praise, but you will be first to me among goddesses.

{ Desipit et peccat qui te mortalibus equat
est in laude parum sed eris mihi prima dearum }

Latin text from Scott (1969) p. 4, English translation from Epistolae: Medieval Women’s Letters.

Describing women as goddesses wasn’t just a practice of verbally shrewd men flattering elite women to win their favor. Lucretius described how ordinary men idolize their wives. Lucretius was regretfully unsuccessful in dispelling the prevalent delusions of gyno-idolatry.

Modern scholars have tended to obscure the radical social and political relevance of Jerome and Augustine’s critiques of Roman castration culture and gynocentrism. Nichols argues that Jean de Meun in the Romance of the Rose “sees Saturn’s castration as generative, a primordial act giving birth to sexuality.” Nichols (216) p. 16. That’s myth like the myth of Pygmalion. In fact, Jean de Meun urged readers to reject mythic worlds and instead to plow for fertility. Nichols also abstracted Augustine’s critique to argue “the futility of castrating language or of repressing what the imagination evokes.” Nichols (2020). Modern philology is far more guilty of castrating language than medieval authors ever were.

[7] Leviticus 22:24, original Hebrew text (Westminister Leningrad Codex) from BlueLetterBible, Latin text of Jerome’s Vulgate, my English translation drawing on standard biblical translations. Whether “nor shall you do this” refers to violence against testicles, or offering to the Lord a male whose testicles have been injured, isn’t clear. Jerome’s Vulgate favors the first interpretation. Most modern English biblical translations favor the latter interpretation. The subsequent quote is from Deuteronomy 23:1 and is similarly sourced. On these biblical law texts, Nichols (2016) pp. 6-8, Nichols (2020) pp. 3-5.

[8] Canons of the Council of Nicea 1, Greek text from Bright (1892) p. ix, Latin text from Dionysius Exiguus, Codex Canonum Ecclesiae Universae (Patrologia Latina 67, col. 0040D), English translation (with my minor changes) from Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (NPNF) V2-14. The original language of the canon was Greek.

[9] Matthew 19:12. Here’s some analysis of Jesus’s sayings on eunuchs.

[10] Caesarius of Heisterbach, The Dialogue on Miracles {Dialogus miraculorum} 4.117, Latin text from Strange (1851) vol. 1, pp. 265-6, my English translation, benefiting from that of Murray (2019) p. 111 and the bowdlerized translation of Scott & Bland (1929) vol. 1, pp. 302-3. The previous short quote is similarly from this story. Caesarius of Heisterbach wrote Dialogus miraculorum about 1221 near Oberdollendorf in present-day Germany.

Murray notes that “by the twelfth century mulier was commonly understood to mean married woman or wife.” Murray (2019) p. 111, n. 61. Mulier was also commonly understood to mean woman. I’ve used the latter, broader translation above.

[11] Murray ignored historical disparagement of men’s genitals, ignored the huge black dog that consumed Bernard’s genitals, and evoked the trite academic myth of medieval misogyny. Thus Bernard’s dream concerned not primarily Bernard and castration, but misogyny:

Caesurius conveys something of the fear and violence of castration in lived reality, as well as in the monk’s dream. This fear, however, fades in comparison with a more abiding monastic fear: the monk avoided the snare of marriage and the lust that necessarily accompanied having a wife. … It is also a story imbued with misogyny: castration is preferable to legitimate conjugal relations.

Murray (2019) pp. 111-2. That’s fashionable academic nonsense. Bernard’s dream doesn’t indicate that castration is preferable to marital sexual intercourse.

[12] Like gynocentrism, castration culture has been historically entrenched worldwide:

History shows that numerous castrates existed at varying times and in widely diverse areas of the world … Castrates existed in large numbers in societies across the ancient world throughout many periods of history. They were present in the imperial systems of the Roman, Persian, Chinese, Vietnamese, Korean, Byzantine, and Ottoman Empires, the Islamic caliphates, the early Christian Church, a sect of Christianity from the late eighteenth century to the modern day, religious sects in India, and choirs and opera troupes of early modern Europe.

Reusch (2013) pp. 30-2 (notes omitted). Castrated men are “one of the most important and long-lasting human phenomena.” Id. p. 47. Reusch, however, offers no critical perspective on men’s social status. Another scholar declared, “Medieval records of castration as either a legal or extrajudicial punishment or humiliation are unsurprisingly numerous.” Steel (2016) p. 1. Why would an academic faithfully believing in the myth of patriarchy and in the master narrative of men’s oppression of women around the world throughout all of history regard as “unsurprising” that numerous men have been humiliated or punished with castration?

[images] (1) Great Mother goddess Cybele seated. Marble sculpture made c. 50 GC. Preserved as accession # 57.AA.19 in J. Paul Getty Museum (Los Angeles, USA), Getty Villa. Source image thanks to Marshall Astor and Wikimedia Commons. (2) Attis dancing for Great Mother goddess Cybele. Marble statue made during the Roman Empire. Preserved as accession # Inv. 1656 in the Vatican Museums / Museo Chiaramonti (Rome, Italy). Image thanks to Marie-Lan Nguyen and Wikimedia Commons. (3) Archigallus making sacrifice to Great Mother goddess Cybele. Marble relief made in third century. Preserved in Museo Archeologico Ostiense (Rome, Italy). Image thanks to Sailko and Wikimedia Commons.

References:

Bright, William. 1892. Canons of the first four General councils of Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon. 2nd Edition. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Burk, Denny. 2018. “Was the Apostle Paul Married? Yes, He Was. Here’s How We Know.” ChurchLeaders. Online March 18, 2018.

Dods, Marcus, George Wilson, and J. J. Smith, trans. 1871. Augustine. The City of God. In Schaff, Philip, ed. 1886. A Select Library Of The Nicene And Post-Nicene Fathers Of The Christian Church. V1-02. Edinburgh, Scotland: T&T Clark.

Dronke, Peter. 1965. Medieval Latin and the Rise of European Love-Lyric. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Freemantle, William Henry, trans. 1892.  The Principal Works of St. Jerome.  Philip Schaff, ed. Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2nd Series, vol. 6. Oxford: Parker.

Green, William M., ed. and trans. 1963. Augustine. City of God. Volume II: Books 4-7. Loeb Classical Library 412. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Hilberg, Isidorus, ed. 1910-1918. Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae {Letters of Saint Eusebius Hieronymus (Jerome)}. Vindobonae: Tempsky. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (CSEL) 54 (Epistulae 1-70), 55 (Epistulae 71-120), and 56 (Epistulae 120-154).

Murray, A. T., ed. and trans, revised by George E. Dimock. 1919. Homer. Odyssey. Volume I: Books 1-12. Loeb Classical Library 104. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Murray, Jacqueline. 2019. “The Battle for Chastity: Miraculous Castration and the Quelling of Desire in the Middle Ages.” Journal of the History of Sexuality. 28 (1): 96-116.

Nichols, Stephen G. 2016. “The Trouble with Castration: Saint Augustine and the Roman de la Rose.” Online preprint.

Nichols, Stephen G. 2020. “Castration as Exemplum: The Making of a Medieval Trope.” In Kelly Fender McConnell and Michael Meere, eds. Coups de maître: studies in medieval and early modern literature and culture in honour of John D. Lyons. Medieval and Early Modern French Studies, Vol 18. Oxford: Peter Lang.

Otter, Monika. 2001. ‘Baudri of Bourgueil, “To Countess Adela.”‘ The Journal of Medieval Latin. 11: 60-141.

Reusch, Kathryn. 2013. “Raised Voices: The Archaeology of Castration.” Ch. 1 (pp. 29-47) in Larissa Tracy, ed. Castration and Culture in the Middle Ages. Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: D.S. Brewer.

Scott, A. Brian, ed. 1969. Hildebert of Lavardin. Hildeberti Cenomannensis episcopi carmina minora. Bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana. Leipzig: Teubner.

Scott, Henry von Essen and C. C. Swinton Bland, trans. 1929. Caesarius of Heisterbach. The Dialogue on Miracles. 2 vols. (vol. 1, vol. 2). London: Routledge.

Steel, Karl. 2016. “Logsex in Hell: What a Body Can’t Do.” Paper presented at the conference The Body Unbound: Literary Approaches to the Classical Corpus, Brooklyn College, Oct 7-8, 2016.

Strange, Joseph, ed. 1851. Caesarius of Heisterbach. Dialogus miraculorum: textum ad quatuor codicum manuscriptorum editionisque principis fidem accurate. 2 vols. (vol. 1, vol. 2). Coloniae: J.M. Heberle.

Thomson, Henry John, ed. and trans. 1949. Prudentius. Loeb Classical Library 387, 398. Vol. 1, Vol. 2. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Wright, F. A., ed. and trans. 1933. Select Letters of St. Jerome. Loeb Classical Library, no. 262. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.

Rabelais added dog piss to Flamenca’s mockery of elite pretenses

Gently mocking the absurdities of courtly love, the thirteenth-century Old Occitan romance Flamenca narrates an elite man, through meetings in church, soliciting an elite woman for sexual trysts in a nearby bathhouse. Flamenca inspired singer-songwriter Rosalía to produce her recent, high-selling Latin pop album, El mal querer {The Bad Loving}. Known only through a single manuscript recovered in the nineteenth century, Flamenca apparently had significant influence centuries earlier. Pantagruel, authored by the learned Benedictine monk François Rabelais in 1532, similarly mocked courtly love through sexual solicitation in church. Rabelais in Pantagruel added to Flamenca’s story-pattern a radical attack on elite pretenses and gender domination. Pantagruel depicts a hypocritical, highly privileged “great lady of Paris {grande dame de Paris}” drenched in streams of dog piss. That’s an outrageous fantasy of gender revolution.

Deeply entrenched systemic sexism vastly disproportionately burdens men with soliciting amorous relationships and enduring amorous rejections. Gynocentric governance of penal systems in turn tends to criminalize seduction and acutely bias punishment toward persons with penises. In Rabelais’s Pantagruel, the character Panurge repeatedly recognizes that he is vulnerable to penal punishment. Yet particular social circumstances embolden him:

Panurge started to grow in reputation in the city of Paris because of that disputation he had won against the Englishman. From then on, he embellished his codpiece and decorated it on top with embroidered stitching in the German style. Fashionable society praised him publicly, and a ballad was composed about him that young boys knew well. He was welcomed at all gatherings of old women and young women. As a result, he became vainglorious, so much so that he undertook to come to be above one of the great ladies of the city.

{ Panurge commença à estre en reputation en la ville de Paris par ceste disputation qu’il obtint contre l’Angloys, et faisoit des lors bien valoir sa braguette, et la feist au dessus esmoucheter de broderie à la Tudesque. Et le monde le louoit publicquement, et en fut faict une chanson, dont les petitz enfans alloient à la moustarde: et estoit bien venu en toutes compaignies de dames et damoyselles, en sorte qu’il devint glorieux, si bien qu’il entreprint de venir au dessus d’une des grandes dames de la ville. }[1]

Great ladies are the true rulers of gynocentric society. Men are expected to know and accept subordination to the ruling women controlling the nominal head-men-in-charge.

Panurge goes to great lady of Paris

Using men’s gender burden of amorous solicitation as a vehicle for social mobility, Panurge sought, through a mutually beneficial sexual relationship, to achieve gender equality with the great lady of Paris. He proposed to her:

Madame, it would be of very great utility to the whole republic, delightful to you, an honor to your lineage, and a necessity to me, if you would make a covering of my breed. Believe me, for the experience will so demonstrate it to you.

{ Ma dame, ce seroit ung bien fort utile à toute la republicque, delectable à vous, honneste à vostre lignée, et à moy necessaire, que feussiez couverte de ma race, et le croyez, car l’experience vous le demonstrera. }

Panurge here mocks elite public discourse. He links broad claims of public utility to narrow interests of personal delight and sexual need. He ridicules the great lady’s pretense of hereditary superiority with his claim that her being on top in having sex with him (her making a covering of his breed) would bring honor to her lineage. In short, Panurge with great rhetorical sophistication resists structures of gender domination.[2]

The great lady of Paris responded in accordance with her socially privileged position. She not only harshly rejected him, but also invoked her social superiority and her capacity to command that he be brutally punished:

At these words the lady thrust him more than a three hundred miles away, saying: “You evil fool, why do you presume such remarks interest me? And to whom do you think you are speaking? Go away, never again be found in front of me! Don’t you know that it would be a trivial matter for me to have your arms and legs cut off?

{ La dame à ceste parolle le reculla plus de cent lieues, disant. Meschant fou vous appertient il de me tenir telz propos? Et à qui pensez vous parler ? allez, ne vous trouvez iamais devant moy car si n’estoit pour ung petit, ie vous feroys coupper bras et iambes? }

All Panurge did was speak to this great lady. She in response threatened to invoke the penal authority to have his arms and legs cut off. That’s utterly disproportionate punishment for what shouldn’t be regarded as a crime. The great lady’s response indicates both her socially constructed superiority to Panurge, her implicit common sexual interest, and the brutal gender bias of penal systems.

Panurge at first accepted the woman’s social privilege and attempted to bargain personally with her. He declared that his bodily wholeness was less important than providing her with an occasion of intense pleasure that might lead to marriage:

“Now,” he said, “it would be nothing to me to have my arms and legs cut off, on the condition that we, you and me, would make a cheerful deal, connecting to play with the little man on your lower steps. Because,” (he displays his long codpiece), “here’s my Mr. John Goaty. He’ll strum you in an ancient way such that you’ll feel your body to the very marrow of your bones. He’s a chivalrous scholar who can find well for you the alternate stallholders and the little young horses that you seed in the ratcatcher, and after him there’s nothing to do but some spousal dusting.”

{ Or (dist il) ce me seroit tout ung d’avoir bras et iambes couppez, en condition que nous fissions vous et moy ung transon de chere lie iouant des manequins à basses marches: car (monstrant sa longue braguette) voicy maistre Iehan ieudy, qui vous sonneroit une antiquaille, dont vous vous sentiriez iusques à la mouelle des os: car il esrt galland, et vous sçait bien trouver les alibitz forains et petitz poullains grenez en la ratouere, que apres luy il n’y a qu’espousseter. }

Panurge emphasizes the natural, agricultural reality of living bodies. Panurge is the great lady’s equal as a human being, even though he’s a male human being. The great lady’s socially constructed sense of superiority denies natural reality.

The great lady responded to Panurge’s words with another threat to invoke the penal system. She demonized him as evil and insisted that he be silent in her presence:

Go away, evil one, go way! If you say even one more word to me, I’ll call in the world and right here you’ll be slaughtered with blows.

{ Allez meschant allez, si vous m’en dictes encores ung mot, ie appelleray le monde, et vous feray icy assommer de coups. }

A woman’s words can easily get a man slaughtered. Is it any wonder that most men today remain silent about being deprived of any reproductive rights?

After being amorously rejected, Panurge shifted to acting like a courtly lover flattering a human woman having the imagined status of a goddess. Many men today are still indoctrinated to address women in this way:

Your beauty is so excellent, so singular, so celestial, that I believe Nature placed it in you as a model in order to give us understanding of what Nature can do when She wants to employ all Her power and all Her knowledge. Nothing but honey, nothing but sugar, nothing but manna from Heaven, is all that’s in you. It’s to you that Paris should have awarded the golden apple, not to Venus, nor to Juno, nor to Minerva, for never did Juno have such greatness, nor Minerva such prudence, nor Venus such elegance, like there’s in you. Oh, gods of the heavens, what happiness will be his to whom will be given the grace to embrace you, to kiss you, and to rub his bacon with you.

{ la vostre est tant excellente tant singuliere, tant celeste, que ie croy que nature l’a mise en vous comme en parangon pour nous donner à entendre combien elle peult faire, quand elle veult employer toute sa puissance et tout son sçavoir. Ce n’est que miel, ce n’est que sucre, ce n’est que manne celeste, de tout ce qu’est en vous. C’estoit à vous à qui Paris debvoit adiuger la pomme d’Or, non à Venus non, ny à Iuno, ny à Minerve: car oncques n’y eut tant de magnificence en Iuno, tant de prudence en Minerve, tant de elegance en Venus, comme il y a en vous. O dieux desses celestes, que heureux sera celluy à qui ferez ceste grace de vous accoller, de vous bayser, et de frotter son lart avecques vous. }

Panurge’s concluding reference to rubbing bacon deflates the ridiculous, learned pretenses of courtly love. In response to Panurge’s mock-courtly words, the great lady pretended to summon her neighbors to slaughter him. He wisely fled immediately.

annunciation preceding Mary's Magnificat

Panurge then played Flamenca’s game of courtship in church. When the great lady went to Mass the next morning, Panurge bowed to her at the church door and offered her holy water. He then went in and knelt beside her in the pew. Perhaps hoping that the church would offer sanctuary from punishment, he daringly spoke to her:

Madame, you know that I am so in love with you that I can neither piss nor shit. I don’t know what you’ve heard of it. If I should come to some harm, what would that be?

{ Madame saichez que ie suis tant amoureux de vous, que ie n’en peuz ny pisser ny fianter, ie ne sçay comment l’entendez. Si m’en advenoit quelque mal, qu’en seroit il? }

Men with serious bodily ailments deserve concern and compassion, especially from faithful Christians. But the great lady responded with hard-hearted indifference:

“Go away, go away,” she said. “I don’t care at all. Leave me alone here to pray to God.”

{ Allez allez, dist elle, ie ne m’en soucie pas: laissez moy icy prier dieu. }

Guillem wooed Flamenca in church with extensive knowledge of the liturgy and learned, poetic words. Panurge similarly sought to display to the great lady his well-developed mind:

“But,” he said, “do you know how to say differently with equal parts ‘to Beaumont-le-Viconte’?” “I don’t know,” she said. He responded, “It’s ‘up the beautiful cunt a cock mounts {à beau con le vit monte}.’ And by this I pray to God that He grants me what your noble heart desires.”

{ Mais (dist il) equivoquez sur A beau mont le vicomte. Ie ne sçauroys, dist elle. C’est (dist il) à beau con le vit monte. Et sur cella priez dieu qu’il me doint ce que vostre noble cueur desyre }

Such word-play draws on a rich tradition of Latin literature. Only a few years after Rabelais had published Pantagruel, Théodore de Bèze, who in 1564 succeeded John Calvin as the spiritual leader of the Calvinists, wrote a Latin epigram engaging in fleshly word-play:

Recently I greeted my little Candida.
I said, “Greetings, my mind, my joy,
my lovely little ass.” Then eloquently,
wishing to prove herself to me,
she said, “Greetings, my little dickhead.” O eloquent
and well-learned intellectual woman!
If I’m accustomed to saying “lovely little ass,”
why can’t she say “little dickhead”?

{ Nuper, Candidulam meam salutans,
Salve, inquam, mea mens, mei et lepores,
Corculumque meam. Illa tunc disertam
Cum sese cuperet mihi probare,
Salve, inquit, mea mentula. O disertam
Et docto bene feminam cerebro!
Nam si dicere corculum solemus,
Cur non dicere mentulam licebit? }[3]

Men have a gendered burden of performance in relation to women. Misconstruing that gender inequality, some women in response compete aggressively with men. Women striving to compete with men neither helps men nor promotes social justice.

Panurge immediately followed his demonstration of cultivated, broad-minded learning by boldly requesting that the great lady of Paris extend to him her gold-laced rosary. Perhaps through the success of his word-play stunner, she compliantly did so. He whipped out one of his knives and immediately cut it loose. Obliquely referring to another so-called knife accompanied with balls, he asked her if she would like to have his knife. She emphatically declined, “No, no {Non non}!” Panurge then again mockingly invoked men’s courtly subservience to women: “it is fully yours to command — body and goods, stomach lining and guts {il est bien à vostre commandement corps et biens, tripez et boyaulx}.” With that, he went off to sell the great lady’s gold-laced rosary. She lamented losing it “because it was one of her marks of status in the church {car c’estoit une de ses contenances à l’esglise}.” She resolved to tell her husband that a thief had stolen it.

Recognizing the great lady’s avariciousness, that evening Panurge visited her. He brought with him a purse stuffed with fake coins. He began by questioning her about love:

“Between the two of us, which loves the other more, you me, or me you?” To that she responded, “As far as I’m concerned, I certainly don’t hate you, because as God has commanded, I love everyone.” “But on this subject,” he said, “don’t you love me?” “I have said to you many times already,” she declared, “that you should no longer address such words to me. If you talk of it to me again, I will show you that I’m not one to whom you should thus talk of dishonor. Get out of here, and bring me back my rosary in case my husband asks me for it.”

{ Lequel des deux ayme plus l’aultre ou vous moy, ou moy vous? A quoy elle respondit. Quant est de moy ie ne vous hays point : car comme dieu le commande, ie ayme tout le monde. Mais à propos (dist il) n’estes vous pas amoureuse de moy? Ie vous ay (dist elle) ià dit tant de foys que vous ne me tenissiez plus telles parolles, si vous m’en parlez encores ie vous monstreray que ce n’est pas à moy à qui vous debvez ainsi parler de deshonneur allez vous en, et me rendez mes patenostres, que mon mary ne me les demande. }

The great lady hypocritically makes Jesus’s commandment to love a matter of dishonoring in practice. Testing her love, Panurge offered her a luxurious rosary made from gold, rubies, and diamonds, or better yet, one composed of emeralds and a large Persian pearl. Shaking the fake coins in his bulging purse, Panurge offered the great lady gifts worth up to fifty thousand ducats:

The power of these words made her mouth water. But she said to him, “I thank you, yet no, I don’t want anything from you.”

{ Par la vertuz desquelles parolles il luy faisoit venir l’eau à la bouche. Mais elle luy dist. Non, ie vous remercie ie ne veulx riens de vous. }

Despite her apparent desire, the great lady insisted on maintaining her position of superiority with respect to Panurge. She claimed that she needed nothing from him. Her privileged position and unyielding, hypocritical support for the oppressive social-gender hierarchy angered Panurge:

“By God,” he said, “I want a good thing from you, and this thing will cost you nothing, and you will not be dishonored. Get hold of this!” Displaying his long codpiece, he said, “Here’s he who asks for lodging!”

{ Par dieu (dist il) si veulx bien moy de vous: mais c’est chose qui ne vous coustera riens, et n’en aurez de riens moins, tenez: monstrant sa longue braguette, voicy qui demande logis }

Men’s sexuality is a blessing, irrespective of the wealth and social status of men. In contrast to misandristic common descriptions, men having consensual sex with women doesn’t “deflower” or “defile” women. Sex with men typically makes women joyful, particularly if the man is endowed like a donkey. Wrongfully and inexplicably, Panurge attempted to embrace the despicable great lady of Paris. She cried out, not even loudly, and he immediately stopped. He fled quickly for fear of being beaten by the vast penal apparatus addressing such crimes.

The next day was the festival of Corpus Christi. The wealthy, privileged Parisian women went to church dressed in their magnificent finery to celebrate this festival of the beaten and crucified Christ. The great lady “clothed herself in a very beautiful robe of crimson satin and a tunic of very costly white velvet {s’estoit vestue d’une tresbelle robbe de satin cramoysi, et d’une cotte de veloux blanc bien precieux}.” The colors of the great lady’s luxurious clothes parallel Christ’s bare white skin and bleeding wounds.[4]

Panurge contrived to humiliate brutally the great lady. The previous day he had sought and found a female dog at the time in her reproductive cycle when she is eagerly receptive to male dogs. He fed her well to stimulate her lust. Then he extracted from the female dog a drug well-known to ancient Greek authorities.

The next morning Panurge went to the church where the great lady was attending the Corpus Christi festival. He sat next to her and handed her a letter. In it was a rondeau written in the pathetic spirit of courtly love, except for its penultimate verse. In that verse, Panurge crudely expressed his desire that they join vagina and penis. As the great lady opened the letter, Panurge seeded the folds of her sleeves and gown with the drug he had extracted from the female dog in heat.

That natural drug had revolutionary effects. It put down the great from her privileged place and inspired those of low degree:

Attracted by the smell of the drug that he had spread on her, all the dogs in the church came to this lady. Dogs little and big, fat and small — all came there to pull out their dicks and smell her and piss all over her. And Panurge chased them a little and then left the lady and went to a side-chapel to watch the sport. Those common dogs fully shitted and pissed all over her clothes. It went to the point that a huge hound was pissing on her head and humping her neck from behind, others her sleeves, others were at her buttocks, and the little ones were humping her slippers.

{ tous les chiens qui estoient en l’esglise ne s’en vinssent à ceste dame pour l’odeur des drogues qu’il avoit espandues sur elle, petitz et grans, gros et menuz tous y venoient tirant le membre et la sentant et pissant partout sur elle. Et Panurge les chassa quelque peu et print congié d’elle, et s’en alla en quelque chapelle pour veoir le deduyt: car ces villains chiens la conchioent toute et compissoient tout ses habillemens, tantq u’il y eut ung grand levrier qui luy pissa sur la teste et luy culletoit son collet par derriere, les aultres aux manches, les aultres à la crope: et les petitz culletoient ses patins. }[5]

The unruly, uppity Panurge laughed at the great lady’s distress. Men historically have been disparaged and dehumanized as being sexually like dogs. Now the dogs were having their day. Panurge sought out his counterpart Pantagruel:

And arriving at Pantagruel’s lodgings, he said to him: “Master, I pray that you come to see all the dogs of this city that have assembled around the most beautiful lady of this city. They all want to hot-cock her. Pantagruel readily agreed to go. He witnessed this mystery that he found very beautiful and new. But the best was during the procession, because then six hundred dogs were about her. They inflicted a thousand ordeals on her. And wherever she passed, fresh dogs came and followed her trail. They pissed along the road where her robes had touched. Everyone stopped at that spectacle, pondering the faces of these dogs who were mounting her up to her neck and ruining her beautiful attire. She didn’t know where to find a remedy, except to go back to her shelter. And the dogs went after her, and when she had entered her house and closed the door after her, all the dogs from a mile and half around gathered and pissed so well on the door of her house that they formed there a urine stream in which ducks could easily swim.

{ Et arrivé au logis dist à Pantagruel, maistre ie vous pry venez veoir tous les chiens de ceste ville qui sont assemblez à l’entour d’une dame la plus belle de ceste ville et la veullent iocqueter. À quoy voulentiers consentit Pantagruel, et veit le mystere qu’il trouva fort beau et nouveau. Mais le bon fut à la procession: car il se trouva plus de six cens chiens à l’entour d’elle, qui lui faisoient muille hayres: et partout où elle passoit les chiens frays venuz la suyvoient à la trace, pissans par le chemin ou ses robbes avoient touché. Et tout le monde se arrestoit à ce spectacle consyderant les contenances de ces chiens qui luy montoient iusques au col, et luy gasterent tout ses beaulx acoustremens, qu’elle ne sceut y trouver remede, sinon s’en aller à son hostel. Et chiens d’aller apres, et quand elle fut entrée en sa maison et fermé la porte apres elle, tous les chiens y accouroient de demy lieue, et compisserent si bien la porte de sa maison, qu’ilz y feirent ung ruysseau de leurs urines, ou les cannes eussent bien noué. }[6]

In ancient Greek literature, Socrates’s students threw bones at the philosophical gadfly / dog Diogenes the Cynic. Diogenes in turn pissed on them. Rabelais apparent built upon that literary inheritance to depict an astonishing, scarcely permissible fantasy of rude revolution in the world’s usual gender order. Men throughout history have largely licked the boots of an oppressive gender order. Perhaps dogs pissing is a superhuman path for change.

dogs piss on great lady of Paris

Recent decades’ scholarly criticism of Panurge overthrowing the great Parisian lady is best regarded as a crude, risible spectacle of ignorance and bigotry. In 1982, a gynocentric scholarly article on Rabelais set the context for grotesque scholarship:

I have chosen the feminist challenge as perhaps the most important, if only because it is the only one that is presented directly to everybody who deals with any literature of any period or culture. As I offer a version of it now, I naturally hope that you will find it recognizably close to what you think about misogyny or androcentrism in literature, in any of their forms, open or disguised.[7]

Gynocentrism directs everyone, at all time, in all matters, to focus on feminism, filled out with feminism’s world-encompassing counterparts misogyny and anti-feminism. Gynocentrism has been a fundamental social problem at least since the Sabine women insisted on special privileges at Rome’s founding. Yet this scholar, and many others before and after him, have solemnly pondered:

What might it mean to say, as many have said before me, that Rabelais’ great works, Gargantua and Pantagruel, are flawed by their sexism — or, in the earlier language, their antifeminism?

What does it mean to recognize that, going all the way back to Peisistratus with respect to Megacles’s daughter, men have lacked reproductive rights? That would require actually thinking, rather than merely seeking credit in academic status markets through comic confusion of learned gravitas and idiocy:

neither Rabelais nor Bakhtin can be given the credit for vexing me out of laughter and into thought: it is feminist criticism that has done it.

A good man, truly a good man! Such fetishes have developed to the extent that an edited volume of leading academic authorities on Rabelais includes one excluded scholar solemnly prophesizing the death of the “fetishized master” Rabelais. According to this included, excluded scholar, Rabelais’s death is necessary to enjoy the “pleasure” of this scholar’s tedious, tendentious included contribution.[8] A woman scholar, taking advantage of gendered freedom to offer a scholarly judgment that would be career-canceling for any man academic, aptly characterized the intellectual merit of this excluded contribution: “Carla Freccero’s bad-tempered rehash of her objections to Wayne Booth, with added references to Anita Hill, has no discernible relevance to Rabelais.”[9] Can dogs somehow be drugged enough to piss on such a contribution? The editor of the volume of leading authorities on Rabelais, a volume which included no meninist studies, lamented:

Feminist studies, conspicuously absent at the Tours quincentenial conference, is still struggling to assert its place and its voice within or against the current male-dominated scholarship.[10]

At the heights of academia, the answer is clearly no. No drugs are powerful enough to enable dogs to regain their sense of smell.

Literature students must be taught. Appreciating rhetoric is fundamental to understanding language. Here’s how to fail in a university course on Rabelais:

Few modern readers may fail to interpret the attitude of Panurge toward the Parisian lady as a classic case of sexual harassment.[11]

A student writes in her notes: “Panurge attitude to Parisian lady = sexual harassment.” At least that student won’t be among the few modern readers who fail in their reading of Rabelais. But what about the liberal arts enlarging students’ minds and engaging them in practices of critical thinking? Consider:

Recent critics have presented radically opposite views: is Panurge subverting the foundations of social order by “dissolving all respect for hierarchy, feminine honour and marriage”, or is he humbling a rich, haughty, pharisaical character who has sinned against caritas and thus serving the larger “redemptive design” of Rabelais’s “Christian epic”?

Those are radically opposite views only to a scholar ignorant of the gynocentric social order. Panurge outrageously overthrowing the great lady of Paris both subverts the gynocentric social order and serves the redemptive design of God’s incarnation as the fully masculine human being Jesus Christ. Such reasoning isn’t permitted within the constraints of today’s scholastic orthodoxy. Laughing at the absurdities of that orthodoxy isn’t permitted either: “misogyny is the precondition for lightness.”[12] One scholar in one instance let a little of the postmodern truth slip out:

this approach ultimately raises the question whether, in a postmodern reading of Rabelais, misogynist ideology is represented by the “little jollities” and feminist ideology assumes the place of the holy text.[13]

Feminist ideology has become the holy text in modern societies. Go ahead and laugh heartily at that grotesque spectacle. But don’t just laugh. Start thinking. Then act to incarnate true gender justice as best as you can.

*  *  *  *  *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] François Rabelais, Gargantua and Pantagruel, Pantagruel, Ch. 14, French text from the first edition that Claude Nourry of Lyons published probably in 1532 (via Wikisource), my English translation, benefiting from that of Screech (2006) p. 110. Subsequent quotes are similarly sourced. For a freely available English translation of Gargantua and Pantagruel, Le Clercq (1936).

The books of Gargantua and Pantagruel were published serially across years. Although Pantagruel is usually placed as the second book of Gargantua and Pantagruel, it was published first. It’s thus Book 1 in Screech’s translation of the first editions. Rabelais made significant changes to Pantagruel in its subsequent editions. Since Rabelais was subject to censorship and various forms of social coercion as a result of what he wrote in Pantagruel, the first edition is to be preferred for fully appreciating Rabelais’s critique of gynocentric gender domination.

The above quotes from Pantagruel come from the chapter entitled, “How Panurge was in love with a haughty lady of Paris, and about the trick he played on her {Comment Panurge fut amoureux d’une haulte dame de Paris, et du tour qu’il luy fist}.” This is chapter 14 in the first edition. In later, revised editions, chapter 14 was moved and split into Book 2, Chapter 21, “How Panurge was in love with a haughty lady of Paris {Comment Panurge feut amoureux d’une haulte dame de Paris}” and Book 2, Chapter 22, “How Panurge played a trick on the lady of Paris, which was not at all to her advantage {Comment Panurge feist un tour à la dame Parisianne, qui ne fut poinct à son adventage}.”

The full title of Pantagruel is:

The Horrifying and Dreadful Deeds and Prowesses of the Very Famous Pantagruel, King of the Dipsodes, Son of the Great Giant Gargantua, newly composed by Master Alcofrybas Nasier

{ Les Horribles et Espoventables Faictz et Prouesses du très renommé Pantagruel, roy des Dipsodes, filz du grand géant Gargantua, composez nouvellement par Maistre Alcofrybas Nasier }

Alcofrybas Nasier a pseudonym and anagram for François Rabelais.

[2] Panurge’s amorous solicitation of the great lady of Paris parodies “the four topics essential to any set rhetorical theme: utile, iucundum, honestum, and necessarium.” Bowen (1998) p. 129, cited in Hayes (2007) p. 51, n. 19.

[3] Théodore de Bèze, Iuvenilia (first edition, 1548), Epigrams 67, “To Candida {Ad Candidam},” Latin text from Summers (2001) p. 272, my English translation, benefiting from that of id. p. 273. For more on Théodore de Bèze, see note [8] and associated text in my post about Guillem’s prayers, Rosalía’s “Di mi nombre,” and gyno-idolatry.

Screech noted that Rabelais’s writings attracted widespread acclaim and admiration, including from Théodore de Bèze:

Calvin’s successor Theodore Beza both admired him and enjoyed him; he was astonished at the philosophical depths of Rabelais even when he was jesting and wondered what he must be like when he was serious.

Screech (2006) p. xiv.

[4] In the subsequent edition of Pantagruel, Rabelais changed the feast of Corpus Christi to the “the great feast of the coronation {la grande feste du sacre}.” That change mutes the biting contrast between Christ’s suffering and the great lady’s finery. On the significance of the great lady’s finery in relation to medieval French farce, Hayes (2007) pp. 47-8. Cf Rigolot (1994) p. 231.

[5] Screech silently bowdlerized the last line of the above quote. His translation:

until there was one huge hound which was pissing all over her head while others did it over her sleeves and her crupper and the puppies did it over her shoes

{ tantq u’il y eut ung grand levrier qui luy pissa sur la teste et luy culletoit son collet par derriere, les aultres aux manches, les aultres à la crope : et les petitz culletoient ses patins. }

Screech (2006) p. 116, French text from the Pantagruel first edition of Claude Nourry. Cf. Screech’s editorial note on culleter at id. p. 115.

The French text “Panurge les chassa quelque peu” could mean that Panurge encouraged the dogs to befoul the great lady. That’s Screech’s interpretation: “Panurge chased them up a bit.” Screech (2006) p. 116. But Panurge would have feared punishment for his abuse of the great lady. He plausibly would have wanted to pretend that he wasn’t at fault for what was happening to her. That’s Le Clercq’s interpretation: “Panurge pretended to chase them off.” Le Clercq (1936) p. 248. My translation leaves open either possible interpretation.

[6] The dogs pissing even where the great lady’s robe had touched the road parodies Matthew 14:34-6 (the sick seeking to touch even just the hem of Jesus’s garment). Broadly interpreting the great lady of Paris as a Christ figure isn’t warranted. The point is that pissing even merely on traces of her is a redemptive act for dehumanized men.

[7] Booth (1982) p. 55. The subsequent two quotes are from id. pp. 56, 58. Booth’s gynocentric focus remains prevalent:

this episode raises the issue of misogyny that must be central to any interpretation of Rabelais’s cruel prank

Simon (2019) p. 426. Will the penal authorities cut off the arms and legs of any scholar who doesn’t make misogyny central to interpreting Rabelais’s literary story? Everyone knows that there isn’t and never has been any great ladies of Paris. Any such great lady of Paris is merely “a paranoid projection of misogyny.” Id. p. 433.

[8] Freccero (1995) p. 82.

[9] Bowen (1997) p. 915. Freccero’s earlier, highly acclaimed article is Freccero (1985). Apparently unable to get a grip on his penis or on his Phallic language, Rigolot, who called Panurge a “typical sexual aggressor,” singled out Freccero (1985) for praise as providing “probing critical scrutiny” of Panurge amorously soliciting the great lady of Paris. Rigolot (1994) pp. 226, 233 (“typical sexual aggressor”), nearly identically Rigolot (1995) pp. 85, 99 (“typical sexual harasser”).

[10] Carron (1995), Carron’s introduction, p. xiii.

[11] Rigolot (1994) pp. 226-7, identically Rigolot (1995) p. 85. The subsequent quote is from Rigolot (1994), identically Rigolot (1995) p. 85. I’ve omitted from the second quote internal references to the internal quotes. Those references are serially Schwartz (1990) p. 39 and Duval (1991) pp. 75, 119, 140.

Rather than presenting with tendentious rhetoric Panurge conspiring to have six hundred dogs piss and shit all over a great lady of Paris as a “classic case of sexual harassment,” this literary story from Rabelais’s sixteenth-century Pantagruel could be better used to instruct students in techniques of rhetoric. Panurge himself is a master of rhetoric. On that, Bowen (1998).

With praiseworthy scholarly integrity and courage, Bowen forthrightly stated:

{Rigolot (1994)} repeats almost word for word his differently titled article {Rigolot (1995)}. I don’t find his Parisian Lady as a figure for the suffering Christ any more convincing on second reading.

Bowen (1997) pp. 915-6. A crude measure of scholarly merit, one commonly invoked implicitly and explicitly, is counting publications. Such a measure is obviously subject to strategic manipulation.

As a Benedictine monk extensively learned in sophisticated medieval literature, Rabelais makes many references in various ways to the Gospels. Overall, the best Biblical intertexts for understanding Panurge dethroning the great lady and elevating dogs is 2 Kings 9:36-7 (Jezebel being thrown to dogs) and Luke 1:46-55 (Mary’s Magnificat). On the former reference, Hayes (2007) p. 52, n. 27. Describing the great lady of Paris as a figure of Christ is utterly inconsistent with faithful interpretation of Rabelais.

[12] Simon (2019) p. 439.

[13] Rigolot (1994) p. 235, which are the concluding words of the article. This reference to the holy text of feminist ideology is excluded in Rigolot (1995). Perhaps that exclusion is an instance of a scholar’s repentance for offense against the dominant gynocentric order.

While Hayes (2007) insightfully connects the story of Panurge and the great lady of Paris to medieval French farces, that article remains doctrinally faithful to the holy text of feminist ideology. The analysis is thus fully colored with the women-are-wonderful effect and poor-dearism:

A distinguishing characteristic of this farcical episode is the fact that it is a woman who is being exposed. Women are nearly universally cast as the winners in traditional farce, owing to the misogynistic stereotyping of women as being crafty and deceptive. Also, in farces that focus on sexual desire, it is almost always the woman who is portrayed as being concupiscent. The Lady of Paris represents a drastic reversal from a female role in farce: she is guilty of excessiveness; she is neither cunning nor wily, nor sexually aggressive. While this episode may employ another form of gender-based stereotyping, it is important to note that it also represents a radical departure from the standard female characterizations found in the genre from which it draws its structure.

Hayes (2007) p. 43, identically in Hayes (2010) pp. 131-2.

[images] (1) Panurge goes to see the great lady of Paris. Illumination by Gustave Doré. From Urquhart & Motteux (1894) (excerpted, color-corrected), preceding Book 2 (Pantagruel), Chapter 21. (2) The Annunciation to Mary by the angel Gabriel, prompting Mary’s Magnificat. Salomon Koninck painted this oil-on-canvas work in 1655. Preserved as accession # HWY XXXII:B.119 in the Hallwyl Museum (Amsterdam, Netherlands). Via Wikimedia Commons. (3) Dogs mobbing the great lady of Paris. Wood print (excerpted, color-corrected) in Bracquemond (1872). From The New York Public Library, via Wikimedia Commons. Here’s another print depicting this story. It’s by Albert Robida and published in Oeuvres de Rabelais (1928)

References:

Booth, Wayne C. 1982. “Freedom of Interpretation: Bakhtin and the Challenge of Feminist Criticism.” Critical Inquiry. 9 (1): 45-76.

Bowen, Barbara C. 1997. Review. “Jean-Louis Carron, ed. François Rabelais: Critical Assessments. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. xxi + 227 pp. $38.50. – André Tournon. “En sens agile”: Les acrobaties de l’esprit selon Rabelais. Paris: Champion, 1995. (Etudes et Essais sur la Renaissance, 9.) 193 pp.” Renaissance Quarterly. 50 (3): 915-917.

Bowen, Barbara C. 1998. “Rabelais’s Panurge As Homo Rhetoricus.” Pp. 125-133 in James V. Mehl, ed. In laudem Caroli: Renaissance and Reformation studies for Charles G. Nauert, Jr. Sixteenth century essays & studies, v. 49. Kirksville, MO: Thomas Jefferson University Press.

Bracquemond, Félix. 1872. Eaux-fortes de Rabelais. Paris: A. Lemere.

Carron, Jean-Claude, ed. 1995. François Rabelais: critical assessments. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press.

Duval, Edwin M. 1991. The Design of Rabelais’s Pantagruel. New Haven, CT: Yale Univ. Press.

Freccero, Carla. 1985. “Damning haughty dames: Panurge and the Haulte Dame de Paris (Pantagruel, 14).” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies. 15: 57-67.

Freccero, Carla. 1995. “Feminism, Rabelais, and the Hill/Thomas Hearings: Return to a Scene of Reading.” Pp. 73-82 in Carron (1995).

Hayes, E. Bruce. 2007. “Putting the ‘Haute’ Back into the ‘Haute Dame de Paris’: The Politics and Performance of Rabelais’s Radical Farce.” French Forum. 32 (1-2): 39-52.

Hayes, E. Bruce. 2010. Rabelais’s Radical Farce: Late Medieval Comic Theater and Its Function in Rabelais. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate. This work incorporates Hayes (2007).

Le Clercq, Jacques, trans. 1936. The Complete Works of Rabelais: the five books of Gargantua and Pantagruel. New York: Random House.

Rigolot, François. 1994. “Rabelais, Misogyny, and Christian Charity: Biblical Intertextuality and the Renaissance Crisis of Exemplarity.” PMLA. 109 (2): 225-237.

Rigolot, François. 1995. “The Three Temptations of Panurge: Women’s Vilification and Christian Humanist Discourse.” Pp. 83-102 in Carron (1995).

Screech, M.A., trans. 2006. François Rabelais. Gargantua and Pantagruel. Penguin Classics. London: Penguin Books. (review by Barbara Bowen)

Schwartz, Jerome. 1990. Irony and Ideology in Rabelais: structures of subversion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Simon, David Carroll. 2019. “Vicious Pranks: Comedy and Cruelty in Rabelais and Shakespeare.” Studies in Philology. 116 (3): 423-450.

Summers, Kirk M., ed. and trans. 2001. A View from the Palatine: the Iuvenilia of Théodore de Bèze. Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies, v. 237. Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies.

Urquhart, Thomas and Peter Anthony Motteux, trans. 1894. The Works of Rabelais, faithfully translated from the French, with varioram notes, and numerous illustrations by Gustave Doré. Derby, England: Moray Press.

literary progress: perceiving systemic sexism in medieval love poetry

Medieval European love poetry built upon classical Greek and Latin love poetry and its sophisticated literary games. Medieval love poetry was also structured through the systemic sexism that shaped medieval women and men’s lives together. For literary criticism to progress, systemic sexism in medieval love poetry must be better appreciated.

Consider a medieval Latin love poem written in the eleventh century. A woman addresses a man who seeks her love:

The joys of young women: violets and rose blossoms,
dazzling-white lilies and delicious apples,
a pair of doves, to which is added their mother,
purple clothes, adorned in which the woodland goddesses
I could conquer in dress so much as I surpass them in face,
and also silver, jewels, and gold — these you promise.
You promise all these, but nevertheless you send to me none.
If you loved me, and if you had what you promised,
the things would have come, and then words would have followed.
Therefore either you’re false and you don’t know desire’s stings,
or you’re rich in empty words and lacking in things,
because if you are filled with many riches,
you’re an unlearned peasant believing that I love not you, but what’s yours.

{ Gaudia nimpharum, violas floresque rosarum,
Lilia candoris miri quoque poma saporis
Parque columbarum, quibus addita mater earum,
Vestes purpureas, quibus exornata Napeas
Vincere tam possim cultu quam transeo vultu,
Insuper argentum, gemmas promittis et aurum.
Omnia promittis, sed nulla tamen mihi mittis.
Si me diligeres et que promittis haberes,
Res precessissent et verba secuta fuissent.
Ergo vel es fictus nescisque cupidinis ictus
Vel verbis vanis es dives, rebus inanis,
Quod si multarum sisplenus diviciarum,
Rusticus es, qui me tua, non te credit amare. }[1]

The woman expects the man who loves her to give her expensive gifts. Men predominately shoulder the gender burden of soliciting amorous relationships and enduring amorous rejections. Most men have much worse sexual opportunities than most women. Men historically have paid women for sex. That’s systemic sexism. Recognizing systemic sexism is necessary to appreciate this medieval Latin love poem.

This poem is a learned work. It apparently was directed to Marbod of Rennes. Marbod in 1076 became the cardinal archdeacon of Angers in Anjou, France. He also served as the canon-master of the cathedral school at the Cathedral of Saint Maurice of Angers. Marbod and his peers were highly educated men who engaged in formal reasoning and teaching. One of them may have written this poem in a female voice. If a woman wrote the poem, she would have been a learned, elite medieval woman such as Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, Hildegard of Bingen, or Heloise of the Paraclete.[2] Only the educated elite wrote medieval Latin love poetry.

This poem mocks formal reason. Verses 8-9 describe normative heterosexual courtship practice under systemic sexism. The woman declares to the man:

If you loved me, and if you had what you promised,
the things would have come, and then words would have followed.

{ Si me diligeres et que promittis haberes,
Res precessissent et verba secuta fuissent. }

The man, however, resisted normative practice under systemic sexism. He didn’t give the woman expensive gifts. She gives possible reasons for his behavior. One possibility: “you’re false and you don’t know desire’s stings {es fictus nescisque cupidinis ictus}.” In other words, “you’re pretending to love me in your words, but you don’t really love me, because if you really loved me, first you would give me expensive gifts.” That’s an understandable explanation for the man’s behavior, given systemic sexism in heterosexual love relations. Perhaps he’s just playing with her.

The second possible explanation for the man’s behavior reveals women’s sense of entitlement under systemic sexism. The woman reasons: “or you’re rich in empty words and lacking in things {vel verbis vanis es dives, rebus inanis}.” In other words, the man lacks the resources to follow normative practice in heterosexual courtship under systemic sexism. The woman never considers that the man is consciously resisting that systemic sexism. She further reasons about the man’s hypothesized incapacity for expensive gift-giving:

because if you are filled with many riches,
you’re an unlearned peasant believing that I love not you, but what’s yours.

{ Quod si multarum sisplenus diviciarum,
Rusticus es, qui me tua, non te credit amare. }

That’s amusingly ridiculous reasoning. The medieval poet Hugh Primas brilliantly recounted his experience with a greedy courtesan. The Archpoet’s love for women impoverished him under systemic sexism. Women having sex with men in order to acquire men’s possessions has been common practice throughout history. Moreover, a woman, not distinguishing a man from his possessions, can understand herself to love both a man and his possessions. Having written to the woman elegant words of learned love poetry, the man cannot be an “unlearned peasant {rusticus}.” He’s an unlearned peasant only in the figurative sense that he’s ignoring normative practice in heterosexual courtship under systemic sexism.

medieval Galician courtesan

Medieval men poets explicitly critiqued systemic sexism in heterosexual courtship. In a Galician-Portuguese song written late in the thirteenth century, a man trobairitz explained:

Should any horseman wish to call
on Maria Pérez, take money along,
or else you’re not going to get very far.

{ O que veer quiser, ai, cavaleiro,
Maria Pérez, leve algun dinheiro;
Senon, non poderá i adubar prol. }[3]

Rather than being appreciated for his riding skill, a horseman will be charged for his sexual work. Such a social order exacerbates inequality. An impoverished Galician man trobairitz writing in the first half of the thirteenth century attempted, not surprisingly, to bargain to meet his sexual needs:

I asked a woman for her cunt.
She quoted me a high price,
and so I said: “It isn’t right
to charge me such an outrageous sum.
Now do me and yourself a favor –
sell me a portion of your wares,
as my love won’t require much.

Merchants sell small portions of gold,
worth more than your cunt, you will agree.
They sell small portions of bread and honey;
for meat and salt, the same thing holds.
Thus also you should sell your cunt,
since other men are sure to come
and buy the portions still unsold.

And you’ll be able, by this art,
to sell it all, for once word spreads
that you sell piecemeal, many men
like me will gladly buy a part.
And I’ll do you a special favor:
if you want to keep your navel,
I’ll be happy to take your ass.”

{ Pedi eu o cono a ũa molher,
e pediu-m’ela cem soldos entom;
e dixe-lh’eu logo: – Mui sem razom
me demandades; mais, se vos prouguer,
fazed’ora – e faredes melhor –
ũa soldada polo meu amor,
a de parte, ca nom hei mais mester.

Fazem soldada do ouro, que val
mui mais ca o vosso cono, de pram;
fazem soldada de vinh’e de pam,
fazem soldada de carn’e de sal;
por en devedes do cono fazer
soldada, ca nom há-de falescer,
se retalhardes, quem vos compr’o al.

E podede-lo vender, eu o sei,
tod’a retalho, porque saberám
que retalhades, e comprar-vos-am
todos del parte, como eu comprei.
Ainda vos d’al farei mui melhor:
se do embiigo havedes sabor,
contra o rabo vo-lo filharei. }[4]

Sex is fundamental to human welfare. Men, if they so desire, deserve the whole person of a woman in a loving relationship. Deprived of such a gift, men are commonly thrown into the sexual market. If the sexual market is generating unreasonably high prices and unfair product bundling, that market should be reformed. Systemic sexism that continually worsens will not endure. If governing elites are contemptuous of men’s welfare, ordinary men eventually will take the matter into their own hands to the detriment of posterity.

Women and men must regain the capacity to speak frankly about women’s sexual exploitation of men. More than two millennia ago, the procuress Acanthis advised Propertius’s girlfriend Cynthia:

Inspect their gold and not the hand that offers gold.
Listening to verses — what will that get you but words?
When a man offers verse, not gifts of silken clothing,
you must be deaf to his unsophisticated lyre.

{ aurum spectato, non quae manus afferat aurum!
versibus auditis quid nisi verba feres?
qui versus, Coae dederit nec munera vestis,
istius tibi sit surda sine aere lyra. }[5]

Propertius cursed that old woman’s complicity in Cynthia’s sexual exploitation of him:

May earth, procuress, overgrow your grave with thorns,
and what you wouldn’t wish, your ghost feel thirst,
your soul not rest in the ashes, and avenging hell-dog Cerberus
scare your vile bones with hungry howl.

May the bawd’s tomb be an ancient wine-jar with chipped neck
and may a wild fig-tree’s vigor burst it.
You lovers all, break up this grave with jagged stones
and add, while stoning, miscellaneous curses.

{ Terra tuum spinis obducat, lena, sepulcrum,
et tua, quod non vis, sentiat umbra sitim;
nec sedeant cineri Manes, et Cerberus ultor
turpia ieiuno terreat ossa sono!

sit tumulus lenae curto vetus amphora collo:
urgeat hunc supra vis, caprifice, tua.
quisquis amas, scabris hoc bustum caedite saxis,
mixtaque cum saxis addite verba mala! }

Propertius was enslaved in love with Cynthia. She also held another man, Lygdamus, as her household slave. Too many men today suffer similarly from women’s domination.

Men must affirm the intrinsic value of their own sexual person. In thirteenth-century Galicia, the greatly under-appreciated man trobairitz Afonso Anes do Coton depicted an impoverished, anonymous man speaking boldly to the elite lady Maria Garcia. He refused to be her unpaid sexual servant:

I was convinced, Maria Garcia,
when I fucked you the other day,
that I wouldn’t leave you
as I left you, empty-handed.
Despite much service I did for you,
you didn’t give me, as people commonly say,
even a coin for my dinner for one day.

But from this I’ve learned my lesson:
not to fuck another woman like you
if she doesn’t first put something in my hand,
because I don’t have to fuck for free.
And you, if you want to fuck,
you know how: go do it
with whom you have provided clothes and shoes.

Because you have provided neither clothes nor shoes,
nor do I live in your house,
you don’t have such power over me
to make me fuck you, if you don’t
pay me very well beforehand. And more I’ll say to you:
I’m not afraid, thanks to God and the King,
of violence that you might impose on me.

Also, my lady, those who ask aren’t wrong.
So you, by God, send an inquiry to ask
the native-born of this place
if they ever fucked, in peace or in war,
unless in exchange for money or for love.
Go about your affairs, so-called noble one,
for this you see: thanks to God, the King has this land.

{ Ben me cuidei eu, Maria Garcia,
em outro dia, quando vos fodi,
que me nom partiss’en de vós assi
como me parti já, mão vazia,
vel por serviço muito que vos fiz,
que me nom destes, como x’homem diz,
sequer um soldo que ceass’um dia.

Mais desta seerei eu escarmentado:
de nunca foder já outra tal molher
se m’ant’algo na mão nom poser,
ca non hei porque foda endoado;
e vós, se assi queredes foder,
sabedes como: ide-o fazer
com quen teverdes vistid’e calçado.

Ca me non vistides nen me calçades,
nen ar sej’eu eno vosso casal;
nen havedes sobre min poder tal
por que vos foda, se me non pagades
ante mui ben; e máis vos én direi:
nulho medo, grado a Deus e a el-rei,
non hei de força que me vós façades.

E, mia dona, quen pregunta nom erra
e vós, por Deus, mandade preguntar
polos naturaes deste lugar
se foderam nunca, em paz nen en guerra,
ergo se foi por alg’ou por amor.
Id’adubar vossa prol, ai senhor,
ca vedes: grad’a Deus, rei ha na terra. }[6]

Men historically have carried the gender burden of materially provisioning women and children. But a woman who loves a man should be willing to provide him with housing, clothing, and shoes. If she’s not willing to do that, then she doesn’t truly love him. If she doesn’t love him, then she should pay him money for having sex with her. Her doing so would be merely a small reparation for the systemic sexism that men have endured from civilization’s founding.

Within the gynocentric status economy of modern academic courts, scholars pursuing their own interests in material gain and career advancement have produced astonishingly perverse interpretations of men feeling compelled to purchase sex from women. A scholar feigning an otherworldly position of authoritative objectivity opined:

The frequent jokes in the cantigas d’escarnho e de mal dizer about female sex workers, or soldadeiras, reveal courtly preoccupations concerning labor as well as gender. These repeated poetic games among men, shared within a symbolic economy of jesting (Freud’s joke-work) that targets women’s sexual labor, reproduce the social dispositions of masculine domination, while also concealing, through negation and comic displacement, the courtiers’ own self-interest in material gain and social advancement.[7]

To make his work academically impressive, this scholar mustered eminent scholastic authorities: Sigmund Freud, Pierre Bourdieu, Henri Bergson, Jacques Le Goff, Marcel Mauss, and Gayle Rubin. Promoting further criminalization of men through interpreting as violence anything that men do or say, or even just a man’s virtual presence on Facebook (“It makes me feel unsafe!”), is now a well-established practice. Thus men paying women for sex is “economic violence – the sexual usage – performed on the courtesan’s body.”[8] Such claims complement more mundane claims about the silencing of women’s voices, the objectification of women’s bodies, women’s social and economic subordination, and of course, the misogyny that motivates men to purchase sex from women.

Medieval love poetry shouldn’t read as if systemic sexism doesn’t exist. Systemic sexism is real, but it isn’t natural and necessarily eternal. With more curses, complaints, critical analysis, protests, and transgressive poetry, old women and young women, as well as their old and young men enablers, will became ashamed of being complicit in systemic sexism. Then a broad-based coalition of progressive voices will rise to support social justice in which men’s lives matter.

*  *  *  *  *

Read more:

Notes:

[1] Marbod of Rennes (questionably attributed), “Young woman to her boyfriend who promises gifts {Puella ad amicum munera promittentem},” Latin text from Bulst (1984), p. 185, via Camino Plaza (2019) p. 444, my English translation, benefiting from those of Brower (2011) p. 220, Newman (2016) p. 33, and Mews (2008) p. 95. The Latin reading blog provides some Latin help for this poem.

This poem was included in a late-eleventh-century anthology of poems sent to Marbod of Rennes. That anthology includes many poems known to be by Marbod and none known to be by any other person. Marbod lived from about 1035 to 1123. If Marbod wrote this poem, he probably wrote it in the first half of his life. Mews, however, regards this poem as “unlikely to have been one of Marbod’s own compositions.” Mews (2008) p. 95.

Men, particularly men insanely in love with a woman, often act oblivious to systemic sexism. So it was with Marbod of Rennes. Instead of denouncing his girlfriend’s complicity in systemic sexism, Marbod responded:

What was sent by you to me, dearest, I read rejoicing,
for it holds there that I have pleased you.
If I knew truly what you are saying, most beautiful of things,
I would then be happier than if I became king.
I would not value Octavian’s treasure so much
as I value having pleased you, just as it has there.
Your letter has conquered me. It says I am sweet to you;
my heart solicits for me the kisses that it recites.
Happy tablets, happy pen and hand,
and happy letter written by your right side.
Your letter to me is a messenger of happiness, a messenger of life —
if to it you at least grant the voice that you have within you.
In you is thus my death and my life —
you make these two to be subject to ambiguity.
If you give me what you owe, you offer me gifts of life.
If less, you lead me to an undeserved burial.
Live remembering the one who remembers you, my gem of precious beauty,
and on this wax tablet, place what is of your mind.

{ A te missa michi gaudens, carissima, legi,
Namque tenetur ibi me placuisse tibi.
Si scirem verum quod ais, pulcherrima rerum,
Quam si rex fierem, letior inde forem.
Non facerem tanti thesauros Octauiani
Quam placuisse tibi, sicut habetur ibi.
Littera me vicit, que dulcem me tibi dicit,
Basia que recitat, cor michi sollicitat.
Felices tabule, felix grafiusque manusque
Et felix dextra littera facta tua.
Littera leticie michi nuncia, nuncia vite
Si tamen hoc perhibes voce, quod intus habes.
In te namque sita mea mors est et mea vita,
Esse sub ambiguo tu facis ista duo.
Si das quod debes, michi vite munera prebes,
Si minus, immeritum trudis in interitum.
Viue memor memoris, preciosi gemma decoris,
Hisque nota ceris, qualia mente geris. }

Mabod of Rennes, “Reply to his girlfriend {Rescriptum ad amicam},” Latin text from Bulst (1984), p. 185, via Camino Plaza (2019) p. 446, my English translation, benefiting from the partial translations in Brower (2011) p. 220 and Mews (2008) p. 96.

Scholars have done no better than the insanely loving Marbod in recognizing the systemic sexism structuring the woman’s poetic letter. Mews declared, “What matters about these poems … is that they open up a space in which a woman’s voice is able to be heard.” Mews (2008) p. 97. Newman describes the women’s letter as a “light-hearted poem.” She approvingly notes, “The girl, or whoever voiced her complaint, calls her lover’s bluff on two counts.” Newman (2016) p. 33. Brower rightly observed: “Marbod’s reply to the girl’s complaint dodges the question of gifts entirely, focusing instead on how the girl’s letter pleases him because it makes him feel loved.” But that observation doesn’t lead to needed analysis of systemic sexism against men and proposals to achieve social justice. Instead, Brower complains that the man hasn’t paid the oppressive tribute to systemic sexism that he owes:

Marbod’s reply showcases both his self-centeredness and his debt to elegy. … Marbod’s empty promises thus recall the analogous insincerity of the elegiac male. … Marbod uses Ovidian allusion to depict himself manipulating a woman by extorting love with the promise of gifts he has no intention of giving.

Brower (2011) pp. 221-2. Camino Plaza recognizes the “strongly volitional {fuertemente volitiva}” aspect of Marbod’s reply, but not its strongly delusional aspect. Camino Plaza (2019) p. 64.

[2] Dronke thought that a woman at the convent of Le Ronceray at Angiers sent the letter to Marbod during the 1060s or 1070s. Dronke (1965) vol. 1, p. 213. Baudri of Bourgueil also corresponded with women of the Le Ronceray convent. Mews (2008) p. 335, n. 58.

[3] João Vasques de Talaveira, “Should any horseman wish to call {O que veer quiser, ai, cavaleiro}” vv. 1-3 (stanza 1), Galician-Portuguese text (manuscript B 1546) from Cantigas Medievais Galego-Portuguesas, English translation (with my change) from Zenith (1995) p. 137 (song 64). Zenith translated cavaleiro as “gentleman.” But a more literal translation is “horseman” (alternate glossary). The later translation, which I’ve used above, preserves the allusion to chivalry. João Vasques de Talaveira served both King Alfonso X and his successor, King Sancho IV.

In v. 2, the reference to Maria Pérez apparently refers to the now-revered soldadeira Maria Pérez Balteira. On Maria Pérez Balteira the soldadeira, see note [4] in my post on King Alfonso X the Learned and the dean of Cádiz. The second stanza of this song has been interpreted to testify to Maria Pérez’s entertainment skills:

Whoever would pay an evening visit
to Maria Pérez, have money in fist,
or else you’re not going to get very far.

{ Quen’a veer quiser ao serão,
Maria Pérez, lev’alg’em sa mão,
senom nom poderá i adubar prol. }

Sourced as for stanza 1. Serão is the only possible reference in the whole corpus of Galician-Portuguese cantigas to entertainment activity of Maria Pérez Balteira beyond having sex. Rivas (2019) pp. 77-8. Despite broad interpretations of serão {evening}, an evening visit doesn’t necessarily imply any activity beyond sex. On the activity of a soldadeira, Santos Bastos (2016).

In interpreting this song, Rivas ignores systemic sexism against men and strains to honor Maria Pérez Balteira:

If we pay attention to the references that appear in other cantigas, she was a woman with a great personality, very different from others, with her own rebellious voice that can be understood almost as proto-feminist. The verses “Quena veer quiser ao serão, / María Pérez, lev’algu’en sa mão” (vv. 4-5; ‘Whoever would pay an evening visit / carry something in his hand’) express the high level of demand for the woman, who would not accept just any relationship. What is normally presented as a song of derision and mockery, in which the troubadour humiliates María Pérez for her economic interest — without giving importance to the camp-prostitute’s opinion or perception of the love, which would correspond to the first reading mentioned — can be perfectly understood as a situation in which the decision-making capacity of women stands out, which would be the second meaning that we have just indicated.

{ Si hacemos caso de las referencias que aparecen en otras cantigas, ella era una mujer con una gran personalidad, muy diferente de otras, con una voz propia, rebelde y que se puede entender casi como una proto-feminista. Los versos “Quena veer quiser ao serão,/ María Pérez, lev’algu’en sa mão” (vv. 4-5; ‘quien la quiera ver en el serán,/ lleve algo en su mano’) expresan el alto nivel de exigencia de la mujer, que no aceptaría cualquier relación. Lo que se presenta normalmente como una cantiga de escarnio y maldecir, en la que el trovador humilla a María Pérez por su interés económico —sin importar la opinión o la percepción del amor de la soldadeira, lo que correspondería a la primera lectura mencionada—, se puede entender perfectamente como una situación en la que se destaca la capacidad de decisión de la mujer, lo que sería el significado segundo que acabamos de indicar. }

Rivas (2019) p. 77. The thirteenth-century Old Occitan romance Flamenca has with similar reason been characterized as protofeminist. See note [12] and related text in my post on Rosalía’s “Di mi nombre” and Flamenca.

[4] Pero Garcia de Ambroa, “I asked a woman for her cunt {Pedi eu o cono a ũa molher},” Galician-Portuguese text (manuscript B 1576) from Cantigas Medievais Galego-Portuguesas, English translation (with my small changes) from Zenith’s  translation provided there. Zenith (1995) p. 27 (song 13) provides a slightly different translation. Pero Garcia de Ambroa was a Galician man trobairitz who wrote his songs in the middle of the thirteenth century.

The “high price” in v. 2 is literally “one hundred soldos {cem soldos}.” A soldo was a medieval Portuguese gold or silver coin, perhaps adapted from a similar coin in medieval Italy. One hundred soldos surely would be a high price for a soldier to pay a camp prostitute for sex.

Another cantiga protests against exploitation of men in sexual commerce. But the song ends only in an appeal to a holy, blessed woman and antagonism between men:

And we all are victims of trickery
regarding this merchandise
and we shall never be vindicated,
but may Saint Mary command
that the man of Ambroa, who fucks Baltiera,
be taken into evil play
and also her because she promises
cunt and doesn’t have any left to give.

{ E somos mal enganados
todos desta merchandia
e nunca imos vingados:
mais mande Santa Maria
qui prenda i mal juguete
o d’Ambrõa, que a fode,
e ela porque promete
cono, poi-lo dar non pode. }

Vaasco Perez Pardal, “You are taken in guile about that {De qual engano prendemos}” (manuscript B 1506), Galician-Portuguese text from Arias Freixedo (2017) p. 382, my English translation, benefiting from that of id. p. 383. Cantigas Medievais Galego-Portuguesas provides a substantially identical original text. The “man of Ambroa” is the Galician man trobairitz Pero Garcia de Ambroa. This song can be read as ultimately supporting an entrenched social hierarchy. Gouveia Fernandes (2011).

Without any recognition of systemic sexism and the historical demeaning of men’s persons to penises, an academic declared that this song:

is less equivocal and more brutal about the buying and selling of this woman’s “cunt” (in such phrases as “cono mercado” and “de molher cono […] vender”), which is considered simply merchandia, “merchandise”.

Liu (2009) p. 5. A frank description of a woman’s sex work isn’t “brutal.” Within the ninteenth-century origin of social science, men were blamed for women working as prostitutes. That led to the criminalization of men in the gender-bigoted Mann Act.

[5] Propertius, Elegies 4.5.55-8, Latin text from Goold (1990), English translation (with my small changes) from Lee (2009). These verses may have influenced “Puella ad amicum munera promittentem,” quoted earlier above. The subsequent quote is similarly from Elegies 4.5.1-4, 75-9.

A. S. Kline offers all of Propertius’s poems in English prose translation in a web-native presentation. Holcombe (2009) is an outstanding, freely available book of Propertius’s elegies, with both Latin text and an English verse translation.

[6] Afonso Anes do Coton, “I was convinced, Maria Garcia {Ben me cuidei eu, Maria Garcia},” (manuscript B 1506), Galician-Portuguese text from Arias Freixedo (2017) p. 83, my English translation, benefiting from that of id. p. 84. Cantigas Medievais Galego-Portuguesas provides a substantially identical original text, with the main difference in transcribing word-ending n’s / m’s. Mendonça Lopes (2019), which aptly notes that this is a quite unusual song, provides a Portuguese translation. For additional commentary, Gouveia Fernandes (1995).

Afonso Anes do Coton was a Galician man trobairitz active in the 1240s in Castilian Court of King Fernando III. He may have been from the Coruña town of Negreira. On difficulties in identifying his works, Marcenaro (2015).

In “Ben me cuidei eu, Maria Garcia,” Afonso Anes do Coton might be regarded as representing an uppity man mouthing off to his social superior. An academic has declared:

Medieval Iberian literature is full of uppity women mouthing off. It is striking that the very first poem in Lapa’s edition of the Cantigas de escarnio e de mal dizer (CEM) {Songs of scorn and derision} features an extended rant by an angry woman who threatens the king himself because he tried to silence her. Most studies of female voices in Galician-Portuguese lyric focus on the cantigas de amigo {songs of love}, perhaps obviously, since all songs in that genre are voiced by women

Filios (2004) pp. 135-6. Another academic categorically asserted, “since ancient times, women have struggled to have their voices heard and to remain in their rightful position {desde outrora a mulher luta para ter sua voz ouvida e se manter na posição que lhe é de direito}.” Silva (2018). That’s even more true for most men.

[7] Liu (2009), from article abstract.

[8] Liu (2009) p. 8. Medieval scholars have been astonishingly unconcerned about literal medieval violence against men’s genitals. Medieval philology itself has failed to represent adequately men’s genitals.

[images] (1) Courtesan dancing. Illumination from folio 16r of the Cancioneiro da Ajuda, a Galician-Portuguese songbook made in the last quarter of the thirteenth century and preserved in the library of the Ajuda National Palace, Lisbon, Portugal. Via Cantigas Medievais Galego-Portuguesas, also available on Wikimedia Commons. (2) Maria Manseliña’s performance (2019) of João Vasques de Talaveira, “Should any horseman wish to call {O que veer quiser, ai, cavaleiro}.” This is the first song in her performing a series of songs about the soldadeira Maria Pérez Balteira. The medieval melody to João Vasques de Talaveira’s song has been lost. This recording uses a medieval contrafactum. Via YouTube.

References:

Arias Freixedo, Xosé Bieito. 2017. Per Arte de Foder: Cantigas de escarnio de temática sexual. Berlin: Frank & Timme.

Brower, Susannah Giulia. 2011. Gender, Power, and Persona in the Poetry of Baudri of Bourgueil. Ph. D. Thesis. University of Toronto, Canada. Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada = Bibliothèque et Archives Canada.

Bulst, Walther. 1984. “Liebesbriefgedichte Marbods.” Minor revision of an article published in 1950. Pp. 182-196 in Walter Berschin, ed. Lateinisches Mittelalter: gesammelte Beiträge. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Camino Plaza, Laura María. 2019. Carteándose con mujeres: tradición literaria, género y afectos en el círculo del Loira (Francia, ss. XI-XII). Ph.D. Thesis. Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, Spain.

Dronke, Peter. 1965. Medieval Latin and the Rise of European Love-Lyric. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Filios, Denise K. 2004. “Female voices in the Cantigas de escarnio e de mal dizer: index and commentary.” Bulletin of Spanish Studies. 81 (2): 135-155.

Goold, G. P., ed and trans. 1990. Propertius. Elegies. Loeb Classical Library 18. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990.

Gouveia Fernandes, Raul Cesar. 1995. “O Escárnio de Amor de Afonso Eanes do Coton.” Atas Do I Encontro Internacional de Estudos Medievais (Congresso). USP/UNICAMP/UNESP.

Gouveia Fernandes, Raul Cesar. 2011. “A cantiga de escárnio como instrumento de segregação social.” ângulo 125/126: 8-15.

Holcombe, Colin John, trans. 2009. Sextus Propertius Elegies. Latin text and English translation. Ocaso Press. Online. Holcombe’s review of previous translations and characterization of his translation.

Lee, Guy, trans. 2009. Propertius. The Poems. Oxford World’s Classics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Liu, Benjamin. 2009. “Joke work and sex work: courtiers and soldadeiras.” Revista Eletrônica de Estudos Literários – REEL. 5: 1-9.

Marcenaro, Simone. 2015. “La tradición manuscrita de Afonso Anes do Coton (XIII sec.): problemas de atribución.” Pp. 901-916 inAlvar, Carlos, ed. Estudios de literatura medieval en la Península Ibérica. San Millán de la Cogolla: Cilengua.

Mendonça Lopes, Carlos. 2019. “Bem me cuidei eu, Maria Garcia — um poema de Afonso Eanes do Cotom.” vicio da poesia. Online, September 1, 2019.

Mews, Constant J. 2008 / 1999. The Lost Love Letters of Heloise and Abelard: perceptions of dialogue in twelfth-century France. 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Newman, Barbara. 2016. Making Love in the Twelfth Century: Letters of two lovers in context. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Rivas, Aitor. 2019. “O Que Veer Quiser, ai Cavaleiro, / Maria Pérez, Leve Algum Dinheiro: Amor, Dinero y Género en las Cantigas Gallego-Portuguesas.” Pp. 59-87 in Baumann, Inga, and Slaven Waelti, eds. Vom Liebespfand zur Singlebörse über die ökonomische Rhetorik der Liebe. FOLIES, Band 10. Berlin: Münster LIT. Alternate online source.

Santos Bastos, Douglas. 2016. Jogralesa, soldadeira ou prostituta? Um estudo sobre a representação do feminino medieval. Ph. D. Thesis. Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

Silva, Alessandro. 2018. “A identidade galega nas palavras de mulheres.” Homo Literatus. Online, April 30, 2018.

Zenith, Richard, trans. 1995. 113 Galician-Portuguese Troubadour Poems. Manchester: Carcanet, in association with Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, Instituto Camões.